Israeli military calls on civilians to flee three Yemeni ports
'Because of the use of maritime ports by the Houthi terrorist regime, we call on all people present' in the ports of Ras Issa, Hodeida and Salif 'to evacuate them immediately for their own security,' Col. Avichay Adraee, an Israeli army spokesman, posted in Arabic on X and Telegram.
Israel has staged several attacks on Yemen after missiles were fired. The Houthis say their attacks are to support Palestinians in Gaza.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Arab News
29 minutes ago
- Arab News
How can we understand Hezbollah's intransigence over its weapons?
The fate of Hezbollah's arms is no longer a domestic dispute between advocates of sovereignty and supporters of the 'resistance.' Since the 2023-2024 war with Israel, this question has been distilling into an existential crisis facing the party. The slogan raised by the leader of Hezbollah's parliamentary bloc, Mohammed Raad — 'we will die before surrendering the weapons' — reflects his awareness that his camp has no other option but to cling to what remains of its arsenal. Abandoning its arms would break Hezbollah's political and ideological foundations. These actions are not mere reflections of political intransigence. Given its rigid ideology and uncompromising idealism, and because Iran's regional project is in its DNA, Hezbollah is not an agile actor with the capacity to fundamentally change in nature. Moreover, it has built its power around the notion that weapons are an identity, not merely a means to an end. In truth, the Lebanese have never associated Hezbollah with a domestic political or economic project. Its engagement in public affairs has always revolved around the 'resistance' and the imperatives of regional conflicts. Thus, surrendering its arms would entail redefining the party from scratch and sacrificing its raison d'etre. Operating within these restrictive parameters, Hezbollah has dragged its feet. Its bets verge on wishful thinking: that the Lebanese state will remain too weak to follow through on its commitment to disarm the party; that a new episode of regional chaos will destabilize Syria's emerging political authorities; and that the high-level assurances it has received from Tehran's top brass regarding its survival and armament will materialize. Hezbollah has built its power around the notion that weapons are an identity, not merely a means to an end. Nadim Koteich That is, Hezbollah is betting that it will get lucky — or even await miracles. The fate of these matters is totally beyond Hezbollah's control and external factors (that are consistently going against it) will determine how things play out. After years of collapse, Lebanon's state institutions are steadily, albeit slowly, consolidating and enhancing their credibility in the eyes of a broadening segment of the population. This trajectory undermines the slander and vilification of the state that Hezbollah has long used to challenge the state's legitimacy and justify its own existence. As for its wager on vacuums emerging in Syria that will grant it more room for maneuver, current developments point in the opposite direction. The political and military situation in Syria suggests that the weight of open-ended geopolitical conflicts and regional actors is declining, consolidating the new regime in Damascus. Even Iranian support, which constituted the cornerstone of Hezbollah's existence for decades, is increasingly constrained. Tehran is grappling with a severe economic crisis amid volatile shifts in the internal balance of power between the different wings of the regime. Iran is preparing for a new phase, all while trying to put the military and security apparatus (that was battered by deep Israeli strikes during the 12-day war in June) back together. These considerations have compelled Iran to prioritize its military and financial needs over coming to the aid of its allies, foremost among them Hezbollah. All this means the party is fighting for its very survival. However, while turning to politics has offered armed movements elsewhere in the world a lifeline, allowing them to maintain some influence, material conditions have left Hezbollah hostage to its weapons. The group has never pursued a genuine domestic cause that could underpin a shift toward politics. Nadim Koteich The Irish Republican Army, despite being deeply rooted in the conflict with Britain, pursued a clear, localized national cause: unifying Ireland and defending the rights of nationalist Catholics. That is why it managed to survive the shift from armed struggle to a political course that culminated in the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, which left Sinn Fein in a strong position politically. Colombia's Revolutionary Armed Forces, known as FARC, despite becoming involved in the drug trade and losing some of its legitimacy as result, was nonetheless pursuing a domestic agenda to a social and economic struggle in Colombia. FARC thereby managed to conclude a peace agreement that, despite only being partially implemented, granted it a political foothold. Hezbollah, in contrast, has never pursued a genuine domestic cause that could underpin a shift toward politics. Even its claims of defending Lebanon's sovereignty and confronting occupation were never presented as ultimate, final objectives. These goals were presented as a means to further its regional ambitions. Its ideological link to its axis, as well as its intrinsic role in the regional power struggle, make any fundamental change to its nature nearly impossible. To give up its arms would not be to adjust its strategy; it would be to abandon the reason for its existence. Thus, the party appears bound to keep behaving this way. It will continue to vie to maintain its weapons and transnational function. Even after being put out of action, it will continue to wait for gradual decline. Its intransigence could, in turn, perpetuate the decay of Lebanon's state institutions. If it does so, the country would go from being a political battleground to being home to a failed state, with the Lebanese people paying the price many times over. • Nadim Koteich is the general manager of Sky News Arabia. X: @NadimKoteich
Arab News
29 minutes ago
- Arab News
Disarming Hezbollah the only way forward for Lebanon
Many people have long argued that the disarming of the Lebanese militia Hezbollah might backfire on the fragile country. But the course of Lebanon's short yet troubled history shows that even those actors who influenced the country and imposed their ideological and military dominance over the state eventually became a part of that history themselves. The current efforts by Lebanon's government to disarm Hezbollah should be supported by all Lebanese, as only the central state can guarantee safety, equity and stability for all. In two crucial meetings last week, the Lebanese government moved toward ordering the army to draw up plans to disarm Hezbollah and any other armed factions in the country. No one is under any illusions that this step could not have been conceivable before 2025, but some of the recent seismic shifts in the Middle East have impacted Lebanon. One was the end of the Assad regime in Syria, which fell last December. The second was a result of the war in support of Gaza that Hezbollah fought and lost against Israel. This resulted in the decapitation of the militia's leadership and the death of many top and middle-ranking commanders and foot soldiers. It led the militia to agree a ceasefire with Israel that was not negotiated through the caretaker government of the time and included an agreement to pull out of positions the armed militia held south of the Litani river, as well as to facilitate the implementation of all UN resolutions related to keeping the peace in the border areas with Israel. Beirut's disarmament push is only natural for a new government that is aiming to rebuild Lebanon and end the suffering. Mohamed Chebaro Another factor was the election of a new president and government free of foreign influence. Lebanon had long been plagued by direct and indirect external interference in its internal and international affairs. Beirut's disarmament push is only natural for a new government that is aiming to rebuild Lebanon and end the suffering that resulted from policies that were conceived to undermine the state and keep the country as a vassal or puppet at the service of the so-called resistance axis. The resistance of the Shiite community in Lebanon and their ministers in government is also natural, as Hezbollah and Amal (the two Shiite political parties that were dominant in the state until January this year) are set to lose the clout they built up over three decades. When they were the only ones allowed to bear and store arms in the name of resisting Israel, this had considerable returns for their constituents up and down the country. Any removal of their weapons would take with it the related privileges and gains on the social, economic and political fronts. The rebuke that followed a statement made on X by Ali Akbar Velayati, the international affairs adviser to Iran's supreme leader, indicated that Tehran's clout over Lebanon may finally be dissipating. It was formerly inconceivable for a Lebanese message to speak of 'flagrant and unacceptable interference' from Tehran, which was followed by the advice that Iran ought to focus on its own people's needs. Most Lebanese seem hungry for their state to ensure its sovereignty and monopoly over the use of force. Mohamed Chebaro Lebanon's independent stance is no doubt rooted in the transformation that has beset the Middle East since Hamas' Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel, whose ramifications are still being felt across the region. For Lebanon, it resulted in a war that weakened Hezbollah due to two month of attacks that saw Israel establish several observation posts inside Lebanese territory at the end of 2024. Most Lebanese seem hungry for their state to ensure its sovereignty and monopoly over the use of force. But that route will not be without challenges and dangers. It could cause rifts in society if Lebanon's Shiite community feels alienated as a result of Hezbollah being disarmed. Reassuring that community is essential, but only within the framework that disarming all armed groups is the only way for Lebanon to redress its ailing state, society and political system. Those against disarming Hezbollah should be reminded that Lebanese of many denominations have tried and failed to align themselves against the interests of their country at various times in its history. Some did so for ideological reasons in the 1950s, when Nasserism was sweeping the Middle East and the country narrowly evaded a mini civil war. Others believed in sacrificing their nation state to help the Palestinians liberate their country, permitting them to bear arms. There were also those who welcomed the Syrian regime's grip on the country in the name of preventing communal strife after the 1975 to 1990 civil war. Others like Hezbollah bought into religious ideology and sanctioned resistance to Israel as promoted by Iran at the expense of the country's stability. Amid a complex geostrategic landscape and with Israel emboldened, the disarming of Hezbollah — even if it is emerging as a result of a US-designed plan — should be welcomed by all Lebanese. It offers a chance to disentangle Lebanon from the many misadventures of its various communities over the years. The call of the new president and prime minister should be heeded. Maybe then this small nation can benefit from a homegrown stability that shields it from adversity and affords its tired communities some respite and certainty after decades of discord and chaos. • Mohamed Chebaro is a British-Lebanese journalist with more than 25 years' experience covering war, terrorism, defense, current affairs and diplomacy.
Arab News
an hour ago
- Arab News
How Sudan became the world's worst and most neglected humanitarian disaster
DUBAI: Sudan is now ground zero for the world's largest — and most overlooked — humanitarian catastrophe. Since fighting broke out in April 2023 between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces, more than 12 million people have been forcibly displaced, including 4 million forced to flee across borders, according to Refugees International. The vast majority are women and children, many of whom have been displaced multiple times, arriving at informal settlements with nothing but the clothes on their backs — and receiving little to no aid or protection. 'This is the largest displacement and humanitarian crisis in the world,' Daniel P. Sullivan, director for Africa, Asia, and the Middle East at Refugees International, told Arab News. 'More than half the population is facing severe food insecurity, with several areas already experiencing famine.' Amid this deepening humanitarian disaster, Sudan is also edging toward political fragmentation. The paramilitary RSF has declared a rival administration called the 'Government of Peace and Unity' across Darfur and parts of Kordofan. Meanwhile, the SAF has retaken Khartoum and retains control over the eastern and central regions. Experts warn that this emerging divide could either lead to a protracted power struggle similar to Libya's fragmentation or result in a formal split, echoing South Sudan's independence. Inside Sudan, the situation is rapidly deteriorating. The country's health system has collapsed, water sources are polluted and aid access is severely restricted. Cholera is spreading and children are dying of hunger in besieged areas. Aid groups have accused the RSF and SAF of weaponizing food and medicine, with both sides reportedly obstructing relief efforts and manipulating access to humanitarian corridors. In East Darfur's Lagawa camp, at least 13 children have died due to complications associated with malnutrition. The site is home to more than 7,000 displaced people, the majority of them women and children, who are grappling with acute food insecurity. The UN children's fund, UNICEF, reported a 46 percent increase in cases of severe child malnutrition across Darfur between January and May, with more than 40,000 children receiving treatment in North Darfur alone. Several areas, including parts of Darfur and Kordofan, are now officially experiencing famine. With ethnic tensions fueling a separate but parallel conflict, allegations of genocide are mounting once more in Darfur. 'Sudanese in Darfur face genocide,' said Sullivan. 'And those in other parts of the country face other atrocity crimes including targeting of civilians and widespread sexual violence.' Elena Habersky, a researcher and consultant working with Sudanese refugee-led organizations in Egypt, told Arab News the violence is not just wide-reaching but also intimate in its brutality. 'There is widespread cholera and famine within Sudan and the threat of the RSF burning villages, sexually abusing and raping civilians, and killing people by shooting them, burning them or burying them alive, is very much a reality,' she said. The RSF has routinely denied targeting civilians and accused its rivals of orchestrating a media campaign, using actors and staged scenes, to falsely incriminate it. Those who flee across borders face a new set of challenges. Sudanese refugees in Egypt often struggle to obtain residency, work permits or access to health care and education. In Chad and South Sudan, refugee camps are severely overcrowded, and food shortages are worsening due to global funding cuts. In Libya and the Central African Republic, they are at the mercy of smuggling networks and armed groups. 'Sudanese in Egypt face discrimination and the risk of forced repatriation,' said Sullivan. 'Others in Ethiopia, Uganda and South Sudan face their own risks of abuse and lack of support.' All the while, international attention is limited. The few headlines that break through are usually buried beneath coverage of other global crises. Despite the scale of the catastrophe, donor fatigue, budget cuts and political disinterest have left Sudanese aid groups carrying the bulk of the humanitarian response. 'It truly feels like the international community is basically non-existent or only existent in words,' said Habersky. 'Most of the work I see being done is by refugee-led organizations, grassroots efforts by the diaspora, and community aid kitchens inside Sudan,' she said. Groups such as the Emergency Response Rooms — local networks of doctors, teachers and volunteers — have been on the front lines. But they lack consistent funding and are increasingly targeted by both warring factions. 'Local Sudanese groups have become targets of abuse,' said Sullivan. 'The most critical funding gap is in the amount of support going directly to them.' Aid efforts are not only underfunded, but actively blocked. In areas such as Khartoum, humanitarian deliveries are hampered by bureaucratic hurdles and security threats. 'Even if aid enters Khartoum, it then faces other blocks to go to Darfur,' said Habersky. 'There's destruction of infrastructure, political infighting and looting.' • 12m People forcibly displaced by the conflict in Sudan since April 15, 2023. • 4m Forced to flee across borders to states such as Egypt, Chad and South Sudan. Source: Refugees International In February, UN officials launched a $6 billion funding appeal for Sudan — a more than 40 percent increase from the previous year — citing what they described as the world's worst hunger crisis and displacement emergency. The call for aid comes as global humanitarian budgets are under immense pressure, further strained by a recent US funding freeze that has disrupted life-saving programs worldwide. Earlier this year, Tom Fletcher, UN under-secretary-general for humanitarian affairs and emergency relief coordinator, urged donors to answer the appeal on behalf of nearly 21 million Sudanese in need, while describing Sudan as 'a humanitarian emergency of shocking proportions.' 'We are witnessing famine, sexual violence and the collapse of basic services on a massive scale — and we need urgent, coordinated action to stop it.' While some aid agencies say they have received waivers from Washington to continue operations in Sudan, uncertainty remains around how far those exemptions extend — particularly when it comes to famine relief. The UN's 2025 humanitarian response plan is the largest and most ambitious proposed this year. Of the $6 billion requested, $4.2 billion is allocated for in-country operations, with the rest earmarked for those displaced across borders. However, the window for action is closing, with the rainy season underway and famine spreading. Experts warn that unless humanitarian access is restored and the conflict de-escalates, Sudan could spiral into a catastrophe on a par with — or worse than — Rwanda, Syria or Yemen. 'There needs to be a surge in humanitarian assistance to areas of greatest need,' said Sullivan. 'Diplomatic pressure must also be mobilized to urge external actors to stop enabling atrocities and to press for humanitarian access.' Sullivan believes that failure to act now could result in hundreds of thousands of preventable deaths. Meanwhile, Habersky stressed the urgency of the situation, adding that 'non-earmarked funding must be given to all organizations working to better the situation within Sudan and the region.' 'Refugee rights in host countries must be protected — we are seeing too many cases of abuse and neglect,' she added. The stark reality is that while global attention drifts elsewhere, Sudan continues to collapse in real time. Behind the statistics are millions of lives — waiting for aid that has yet to arrive.
