Political Dynasties Hold All the Power in the Philippines
In the Philippines, a handful of entrenched families shape public power, from the presidency down to the barangays, the most local level of government. Voters will once again be confronted with a host of recognizable names on the ballot in Monday's midterm elections. The result is a democracy built on inherited privilege, not merit.
The race is being viewed as a dress rehearsal for the 2028 presidential contest — and a proxy war between two of the nation's most powerful clans: The Marcoses and the Dutertes. Along with the Aquinos and the Macapagal-Arroyos, these dynasties have ruled the country since 2001.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Forbes
3 hours ago
- Forbes
ASEAN Power Grid Integration Seeks Energy Security, Sustainable Growth
KUALA LUMPUR, MALAYSIA - MAY 26: Petronas Twin Towers are illuminated in the colors of Malaysian ... More Flag during the 46th Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Summit on May 26, 2025 in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. The 46th ASEAN Summit kicked off on May 26 in the capital of Malaysia, with greater regional integration and resilience against trade and economic disruptions high on the agenda. (Photo by He Guowei/VCG via Getty Images) At the 46th Summit of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia on May 26, 2025, national leaders adopted a bold plan to interconnect and harmonize regional power grids. The plan for ASEAN power grid integration is designed to create an advanced network of electric transmission lines, generators and utilities across Southeast Asia. Under the plan, the area of nearly 700 million people is poised to meet surging energy demand, boost energy security, and achieve affordable, sustainable growth through deeper regional connections and more coordinated energy markets. A long-awaited plan for the ASEAN Power Grid has mostly languished on the shelf since ASEAN member states adopted it in 1997. Currently, the ASEAN member states are Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam, with Timor-Leste expected to join soon. Now, with Malaysia holding the rotating Chairmanship of ASEAN, Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim has forged a consensus among the ASEAN member states to move forward with an updated plan to regionally integrate Southeast Asia's power grid. Ibrahim stated at the summit, '[T] Energy security is the main impetus to integrate the power systems of the various Southeast Asian countries through new cross-border interconnections, harmonized grid operational rules, and a regionally integrated energy market and transmission system. Regional grid integration across Southeast Asia presents a timely opportunity to boost economic growth that is more reliable, affordable and equitable for a lower-carbon future. Leaders of ASEAN member states openly endorsed the plan at the summit. The ASEAN Secretariat has mandated the ASEAN Centre for Energy to lead the effort. Most likely, the member states will sign an enhanced memorandum of understanding on grid integration at their next summit in October. At the May 26 summit, the nations endorsed a vision statement: 'ASEAN 2045: Our Shared Future.' The statement covers myriad areas of cooperation. With respect to energy, among other objectives, the member states agreed on Objective 5.2: "Build resilient energy supply and infrastructure and establish coordinated action in safeguarding energy security." To implement this goal, the countries intend to '[e]nhance renewable energy infrastructure and its interconnection to facilitate seamless integration for ASEAN's infrastructure.' They also pledged to '[a]dvance future ASEAN's energy interconnectivity, including in land transmission and sub-sea cables' and to '[p]ool investment to build energy security supporting the development of relevant infrastructure, enhance the power grid, improve cross-border connectivity, and address critical energy demand.' Additional provisions call for improving regional cooperation in other energy areas, particularly natural gas and LNG supply and transportation. First off, the new plan for ASEAN power grid integration will highlight eighteen priority interconnection projects identified in The ASEAN Interconnection Masterplan Study - AIMS III released in 2020 and advanced by ACE last year following the directive of the 41st ASEAN Ministers on Energy Meeting in Bali, Indonesia in August 2023. These priority interconnection projects, once completed, will achieve greater power grid interconnectivity within the region as a basis to expand multilateral power trading efforts. Eight of the interconnection projects have been implemented so far. The eighteen priority projects under APG are meant to move beyond the one-off, private bilateral cross-border arrangements previously built to create a truly integrated, multilateral power system. Major new transmission corridors considered priorities under the AIMS study include expanded cross-border connections to Singapore from Malaysia and Indonesia, to Thailand from Malaysia, Myanmar, Laos and Cambodia, to Malaysia from Indonesia and the Philippines, to Penninsular Malaysia from Sarawak, and within Indonesia to Java from Sumatra and Kalimantan. ASEAN countries are heterogenous in many ways and at divergent levels of economic development. Regional integration can be an efficient way to create regional balance, scaled integration and optimization of the power grid for greater energy security, efficiency and shared prosperity. The Southeast Asian power grid is highly fragmented, with little existing interconnectivity between nations. Even within national borders, grids are not fully integrated. Peninsular Malaysia is separate from Sarawak and Sabah, the Malaysian provinces on Borneo. The Java-Madura-Bali grid in Indonesia would benefit from connections to the grids on Sumatra, Kalimantan (Borneo) and other Indonesian islands. The Philippines Luzon-Visayas system is only minimally connected to islands in southern parts of the nation. Binational connections exist, particularly for exports (especially of hydropower) from Lao PDR to Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam, but they mainly facilitate direct sales to utilities from private power plants and not multilateral power trading or coordinated utility-to-utility power pools. Malaysia and Thailand lie at the epicenter of a potentially large regional power network, fueled by domestic supply, robust demand, economic growth and geographic proximity to other ASEAN countries. The so-called LTMS link—Laos, Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore—would form the basis for a proposed power pool that could subsequently be expanded to Indonesia, Vietnam and Cambodia. New regional connections to Singapore would also drive the development of power generation and transmission facilities in neighboring Java (Indonesia) and Malaysia and in Thailand, Laos and Cambodia, plus proposed subsea connections to Singapore through Peninsular Malaysia or Java from the Malaysian and Indonesian portions of Borneo, and ultimately to the Philippines. A potential subsea cable to import solar power from Australia to Singapore remains on the drawing boards but is outside the scope of the ASEAN Power Grid plan. LUANG PRABANG, LAOS - APRIL 11: Chinese tourists take part in an alms giving ceremony to Buddhist ... More monks on April 11, 2024 in Luang Prabang, Laos. (Photo by) Singapore and Laos illustrate the disparate benefits that regional power grid integration could provide. Singapore relies on imported natural gas to generate electricity (and for its growing LNG trading hub), resulting in power prices significantly higher than in other ASEAN countries. Access to imported power could reduce Singapore's exposure to supply chain risks and volatile gas prices for electricity. Singapore is a wealthy, densely populated city state and net importer of energy with a nominal GDP per capita twenty times higher than the GDP of Laos. Laos has abundant energy resources (for wind and hydropower, in addition to coal) but a relatively sparse population that could benefit from development of a stronger domestic power grid and more exports of energy to neighboring countries. Existing bilateral connections serve to export power from privately-owned power plants in Laos, largely bypassing the local utility. Two Lao power projects show how much has changed over the past decade. They are emblematic of the trend away from coal toward renewables for power generation. In 2016, the Thai-owned and financed Hongsa power plant commenced commercial operations in Laos after more than five years of development and construction. The 1,878 MW coal-fired power plant (co-located with a new lignite mine and dam) was the first utility-scale coal-fired power plant in the country. It exports almost all its power to Thailand, keeping only a small portion for domestic consumption. Total cost of the Hongsa power project (including the dedicated lignite mine and associated infrastructure) was about $4 billion. Like other coal-fired power plants, the Hongsa project has faced criticism for its adverse environmental and health impacts on the local community. This year, almost ten years after Hongsa came online, the first wind farm in Laos and largest wind farm in Southeast Asia—the 600 MW Monsoon Wind Power Project—is about to enter commercial operation to sell power from Laos to EVN, Vietnam's state-owned utility. The project's cross-border double-circuit 500kV transmission line was completed and energized in February 2025, spanning 27 km in Laos and 44 km in Vietnam. Indicative of the trend toward blended finance, the $950 million Monsoon Wind project was financed by loans from the Asian Development Bank alongside the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, the Export-Import Bank of Thailand, other multilateral development banks and export credit agencies, and a syndicate of commercial banks, partly in reliance on government undertakings from Vietnam and Lao PDR. These two independent power projects a decade apart highlight major transitions in technology and project economics. The cost per kilowatt of installed generating capacity has fallen dramatically with the shift from coal to wind energy in line with global averages. Cross-border power sales under long-term power purchase agreements can attract financing, given sufficient credit support. Sources of financing are becoming more diverse. Yet, the benefits of the Lao power projects like Hongsa and Monsoon with dedicated bilateral transmission lines still largely accrue only to the private owners of the power plants and the Thai or Vietnamese recipients of the power. With true multilateral grid integration in the future, Laos and other host countries could develop projects that are integral to an improved domestic grid, with utility-to-utility export power sales into a regional power pool that aggregates demand over many countries, optimizes power deliveries for grid stability and reliability, and provides economies of scale to lower costs and increase efficiency while spurring domestic growth and equitable development across Southeast Asia. This trend away from new coal-fired power generation is region-wide. Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand are pursuing domestic policies that would increase renewable energy and transition away from coal-fired power plants over the next thirty years. Indonesia has revised its near-term goals for renewable energy multiple times since 2019 and remains committed to net-zero power generation by 2060, though it continues to rely on fossil fuels for most of its energy. Vietnam and the Philippines are modernizing their energy systems while completing rural electrification plans and increasing per capita energy use. Vietnam derived more than half of its electricity from hydropower, solar, wind and other renewables as early as 2022. The Philippines has advanced hydropower, geothermal, solar and other renewables ever since pioneering successes with geothermal energy in the 1990s. But the country remains heavily reliant on coal and natural gas for power production. It remains to be seen the degree to which the Philippines, an island chain to the east of most ASEAN countries, could be interconnected with Indonesia, Malaysia or the rest of Southeast Asia. Floating solar panels on water lake in sun light under hazy sky, contributing to the energy ... More transition. If successful, this transition is a big deal for ASEAN nations and a big deal for the world. According to the IEA's Southeast Asia Energy Outlook 2024, the ASEAN region's approximately 4% share of global energy consumption 'is expected to grow significantly, with ASEAN projected to contribute over 25% of global energy demand growth between now and 2035.' The ASEAN member states comprise just under 10% of world population, more than Europe, and today account for 6% of the world's GDP. The International Energy Agency predicts the population of the region will increase from today's 685 million to 745 million by 2035 and then to almost 790 million by 2050. Economic expansion, population growth, and the region's role as a global manufacturing hub will continue to drive electricity demand growth. That explosive economic growth will be energy-intensive and outpace population growth, resulting in higher per capita energy consumption as wealth increases. Typically, energy use per capita rises alongside the rise in GDP. Air conditioning, manufacturing, digital infrastructure (including investments in artificial intelligence, data centers and semi-conductor fabrication), urbanization and EVs drive demand growth in Southeast Asia that outpaces growth in other areas of the world. Regional integration of renewable energy sources and battery energy storage systems would lower the marginal cost of electricity and enhance grid flexibility. It would also help protect manufacturers and electric utilities from commodity price spikes and fuel supply interruptions due to shifting geopolitics, resource depletion or natural disasters. Affordable, secure power can keep the lights on and the skies blue. If the countries of Southeast Asia achieve their plan for ASEAN power grid integration alongside cleaner energy production and increased energy efficiency, the future remains bright.
Forbes
12 hours ago
- Forbes
In Tech, Everyone Loves A Unicorn—Here's Why Running A Zebra Is Better
Wietse Van Ransbeeck is the CEO and Co-Founder of Go Vocal, on a mission to make democracy more inclusive, participatory and responsive. When my team and I co-founded Go Vocal in 2015, it was because we wanted to be part of reinvigorating democracy for the 21st century. Of course, there were many avenues we could have pursued to be part of achieving this. Launching a nonprofit might have seemed like an obvious choice, but that's not where we landed. Today, Go Vocal is a SaaS company, supporting more than 500 local governments worldwide. We're also a B Corp, committed to meeting ambitious social impact targets as well as delivering profit for our shareholders. B Corps like us are required to meet standards of verified "social and environmental performance, transparency and accountability." And we're in good company, with almost 10,000 businesses like Patagonia and Ben & Jerry's all certified by B Lab to balance profit and purpose. Another way you might describe us is as a zebra. Zebras are social animals that tend to live together in groups. More interested in collaboration than competition, they graze on the tough, dry grass that other animals are unable to digest, helping out their neighboring species in the process. In tech, unicorns are shiny new startups worth over $1 billion, while zebras are the businesses willing to take on the chewy challenges of making our world a better place. And we're in it for the long game, valuing sustainable solutions over a quick, lucrative exit. We're driven to serve our shareholders and our stakeholders. While unicorns famously 'move fast and break things,' zebras tend to be more graceful. We don't want to cause damage to people or the planet—in fact, quite the opposite. We don't want to prioritize growth at all costs. We know the world's biggest challenges require long-term commitment. That's why, when making our product roadmap, we prioritize developments that serve citizens over short-term client-focused monetization. And we're selective about who we work with—we only work with governments that are genuinely interested in championing democracy. What we've found at Go Vocal is that our results are circular: When we deliver results for our shareholders, their trust in us grows, and their financial backing enables us to keep innovating in service of our clients and their communities. Our economic system tends to favor binaries—business or nonprofit, profitable or socially conscious. With our distinct mix of black and white, zebras offer the world the best of both. That doesn't mean it's always sunshine and rainbows in the Serengeti. Because we value sustainable growth over the long term, it can be harder for zebras to attract new investment when competing with those sparkly unicorns. At the same time, as a company, we aren't eligible to apply for the grants offered to nonprofits working on similar social challenges. Optimizing at both ends takes a lot of energy because we have both financial and impact goals to meet. But we know that our financial health is a prerequisite to prioritizing our impact. In challenging years, we must give more weight to the financials to ensure the longevity of our company, and then in the growth years, we can build on that financial buffer to think bigger about our impact. These days, it feels like we're able to strike a comfortable balance. We reached profitability last year, and we have the ambition to keep growing. As our whole team knows, that's what's going to enable more meaningful impact. Critics of social impact businesses like ours are quick to say that our values are only a marketing ploy, with no substance behind them. Or that our competing priorities of profit and purpose lead to inefficiencies. Our company is proof positive that we can offer substance and profit at the same time. And we don't have anything to hide—the administrators of our B Corp certification, B Lab, help keep us honest about our impact, offering industry benchmarking for a healthy sense of perspective. As an employer, we also know that the generation entering the workforce today is driven by the need for a sense of purpose at work, and we have plenty of that to offer. Companies wanting to retain employees will need to find ways to act like a zebra and offer something more than just a paycheck. So, what can we do to grow our modest stripy herd? 1. Enact policies for purpose. Governments could offer tax incentives or subsidies for businesses with proven social or environmental impact and prioritize zebras in the public procurement process. If the purpose of government is to compensate for certain externalities, why not support zebras to be more competitive, so they can deliver even more impact? 2. Educate the next generation of zebras. Integrate social entrepreneurship into school curricula and entrepreneurship programs to encourage big-picture thinking about purpose alongside profit. 3. Celebrate businesses championing purpose and profitability. Currently, zebras don't attract any of the hype of unicorns. What would it look like if there were fewer headlines about record-breaking startup valuations and more about the tangible good being offered by zebras? As we dream of a new zebra economy, we need to find new measures of success. That doesn't have to mean letting go of profit as a success indicator but making space for a new generation of foals who can balance profit and purpose for more meaningful work, shaping a more equitable world. Forbes Technology Council is an invitation-only community for world-class CIOs, CTOs and technology executives. Do I qualify?
New York Times
12 hours ago
- New York Times
Trump Administration Live Updates: President Bans Citizens of 12 Countries From Entering U.S.
In recent years, people in Myanmar have endured a military coup, civil war, enforced conscription, aerial bombardment and a devastating earthquake. A new hardship landed Thursday morning, as President Trump ordered a sweeping travel ban that included the citizens of Myanmar. The action is an effort to stop immigration from nations that Mr. Trump deemed to have a 'large-scale presence of terrorists,' among other concerns. The travel ban, announced by the president on Wednesday night in Washington, is set to take effect on Monday. It applies to the people of Afghanistan, Myanmar, Chad, the Republic of Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Haiti, Iran, Libya, Somalia, Sudan and Yemen. Many of these countries have been wracked by conflict, while others are ruled by repressive regimes. In both cases, Mr. Trump's proclamation closes the door on those hoping to flee to the United States to build new lives. Citizens of seven other countries — Burundi, Cuba, Laos, Sierra Leone, Togo, Turkmenistan and Venezuela — will be barred from entering the United States on tourist and student visas. They also will not be able to settle permanently in the U.S. Image In Yangon, Myanmar, in March. Credit... Sai Aung Main/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images 'We will not allow people to enter our country who wish to do us harm,' Mr. Trump said in a message on social media. 'As soon as I woke up, bad news was already waiting for me,' said Ko Min Nwe, a 35-year-old accountant in Myanmar who last month won a U.S. immigration lottery that put him on the path for a green card next year. 'Being a Myanmar citizen means that wherever we go, we face discrimination and now, even this rare stroke of luck feels like it's been stolen from me.' Mr. Trump said that his new travel restrictions also apply to countries that do not have proper ways to vet travelers to the United States, that have a track record of citizens who overstay their American visas and that have not easily accepted back their nationals. But the restrictions overwhelmingly target nations with vulnerable populations eager for sanctuary in the U.S. 'This policy is not about national security — it is about sowing division and vilifying communities that are seeking safety and opportunity in the United States,' said Abby Maxman, the president of Oxfam America, the charity dedicated to fighting global inequality and poverty. The ban provides for certain exceptions. For instance, Afghans can still apply for special visas designed to safeguard those who worked for the U.S. government or military as translators and other assistants before the American withdrawal in 2021. Legal permanent residents of the United States are exempt from the order. So are athletes and their entourages visiting for major sporting events. Adoptions from the restricted nations will be allowed. Image Afghan women receiving food aid in Kabul last month. Credit... Wakil Kohsar/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images During his first term, Mr. Trump imposed a series of travel bans on mostly Muslim-majority nations, some of which were countered by the courts. Former President Joseph R. Biden Jr. revoked the immigration restrictions when he took office, calling them 'a stain on our national conscience.' Hashmat, an Afghan journalist, said he had been granted a visa to go to the United States, after enduring a month in a Taliban prison for his reporting. He is now in hiding. The new travel ban, which appears to apply to the type of visa he received, has left him with no hope, said Mr. Hashmat, who goes by only one name. 'I devoted 14 years of my life working with respected media outlets to promote democracy, freedom of speech and global values — values I believed the U.S. shared,' he said. 'Today, I suffer because of those very values.' Some of the countries affected by Mr. Trump's latest travel order reacted quickly, vowing to tackle problems. Somalia, according to Mr. Trump's proclamation, was targeted because it lacks a central authority that can properly screen travelers and it is a 'terrorist safe haven.' 'Somalia values its longstanding relationship with the United States and stands ready to engage in dialogue to address the concerns raised,' Dahir Hassan Abdi, the Somali ambassador to the U.S., said in a statement. Myanmar erupted into full-blown civil war four years ago, following a military coup that ousted an elected government. Criminal networks in the country's poorly governed borderlands have filled war chests and flooded the world with synthetic drugs, cyberscams and dubiously sourced minerals. Still, there is scant evidence that Myanmar is exporting terrorism, much less to the United States. Most immigrants from Myanmar arrived in the United States as refugees escaping persecution. Waves of immigration to the United States by Myanmar nationals have followed moments of political turmoil, such as crackdowns on democracy movements in 1988 and 2007. More recently, more than 3.5 million people in Myanmar, out of a population of about 55 million, have been uprooted from their homes because of the civil war. Millions more have sought shelter abroad, mostly in neighboring Thailand and Bangladesh. Image A refugee from the Mae La camp in Myanmar after being transferred to a hospital in Thailand in February. Credit... Athit Perawongmetha/Reuters Starting last July, a resettlement initiative brought Myanmar refugees living in camps in Thailand to the United States. But that program has effectively stopped since Mr. Trump's second inauguration. American aid for Myanmar refugees in Thailand and Bangladesh has been slashed, too; without access to medical care, babies and elderly patients have died, doctors say. From 2005 to 2015, about 100,000 refugees from camps in Thailand were resettled overseas, mostly in the United States, according to the U.N. refugee agency. Myanmar is now a fractured nation. Most of the heartland of the country is controlled by the military junta, while ethnic armed groups and pro-democracy forces have carved out territory in the vast outer areas. Airstrikes by the Myanmar military have destroyed hundreds of villages. Thousands of people have been imprisoned and tortured for daring to oppose the military junta and call for democracy. Since the coup in 2021, the United States has imposed sanctions on top junta officials and the business cronies who prop them up. But some critics say Washington's actions don't have enough bite. Ma Mya Thiri Lwin, 24, was accepted at a college in Minnesota to study computer science beginning in August. As part of a large student-led boycott of government institutions, she had not attended university in Myanmar. Now, she said, her dreams of one day working in Silicon Valley have withered. 'It feels like Myanmar is cursed,' she said, learning that Mr. Trump's travel ban included her homeland. 'Even the U.S., which claims to be a stronghold of human rights, has turned a blind eye to people like us who are poor, oppressed and at risk.' Safiullah Padshah and Mike Ives contributed reporting.
