
Banning teens from social media won't keep them safe. Regulating platforms might
A National MP's proposal to ban under-16s from social media is being pitched as a bold move to protect young people. But the reality is more complicated and far more concerning. If the National Party is serious about addressing the real harms young people face online, banning users is not the solution. Regulating platforms is.
The Social Media Age-Appropriate Users Bill, a proposed member's bill led by backbencher Catherine Wedd, would require social media platforms to take 'all reasonable steps' to prevent under-16s from creating accounts. Although only a member's bill yet to be drawn from the biscuit tin, the bill was announced by prime minister Christopher Luxon via X and thereby has the PM's obvious stamp of approval. The bill echoes Australia's recently passed Online Safety Amendment (Social Media Minimum Age) Act 2024, which imposes significant penalties on platforms that fail to keep children under 16 off their services.
Wedd, like many who support these measures, points to concerns about online bullying, addiction and other inappropriate content. These are real issues. But the bill misdirects attention from the systemic drivers of online harm and places the burden of online safety on young people themselves.
A popular move, but a flawed premise
This policy will likely have the support of parents, similar to the school phone ban – it is a visible, straightforward response to something that feels out of control. And it offers the comfort of doing something in the face of real concern.
However, this kind of ban performs accountability but does not address where the real power lies. Instead, if the aim of the policy is to reduce online harm and increase online safety, then they should consider holding social media companies responsible for the design choices that expose young people to harm.
For instance, according to Netsafe, the phone ban has not eliminated cyberbullying, harassment or image-based sexual abuse for our young people.
At the heart of the proposal is the assumption that banning teens from social media will protect them. But age-based restrictions are easily circumvented. Young people already know how to create fake birthdates, or create secondary accounts, or use a VPN to bypass restrictions. And even if the verification process becomes more robust through facial recognition, ID uploads, or other forms of intrusive surveillance, it raises significant privacy concerns, especially for minors. Without additional regulatory safeguards, such measures may introduce further ways to harm users' rights by, for example, normalising digital surveillance.
In practice, this kind of policy will not keep young people off social media. It will just push them into less visible, less regulated corners of the internet and into the very spaces where the risk of harm is often higher.
Furthermore, there is a growing body of research – including my own – showing that online harm is not simply a function of age or access. It is shaped by the design of platforms, the content that is amplified, and the failures of tech companies to moderate harmful material effectively.
Misdiagnosing the problem
Online harm is real. But banning access is a blunt instrument. It does not address the algorithms that push disinformation, misogyny and extremism into users' feeds. And it does not fix the fact that social media companies are not accountable to New Zealand law or to the communities they serve.
In contrast, the UK's Online Safety Act 2023 holds platforms legally responsible for systemic harm. It shifts the burden of online safety away from individual users and onto the tech companies who design and profit from these systems.
New Zealand once had the opportunity to move in that direction. Under the previous government, the Department of Internal Affairs proposed an independent regulator and a new code-based system to oversee digital platforms. That work was shelved by the coalition government. Now, we're offered a ban instead.
Some may argue that regulating big tech companies is too complex and difficult — that it is easier to restrict access. But that narrative lets platforms off the hook. Countries like the UK and those in the European Union have already taken meaningful steps to regulate social media, requiring companies to assess and reduce risks, improve transparency, and prioritise user safety. While these laws are imperfect, they prove regulation is possible when there is political will. Pretending otherwise leaves the burden on parents and young people, while the systems that foster harm continue unchecked.
What real online safety could look like
If the National Party, or the government, truly wants to protect young people online, it should start with the platforms, not the users.
That means requiring social media companies to ensure user safety, from design to implementation and use. It may also require ensuring digital literacy is a core part of our education system, equipping rangatahi with the tools to critically navigate online spaces.
We also need to address the systemic nature of online harm, including the rising tide of online misogyny, racism and extremism. Abuse does not just happen, it is intensified by platforms designed to maximise engagement, often at the expense of safety.
Any serious policy must regulate these systems and not just user behaviour. That means independent audits, transparency about how content is promoted, and real consequences for platforms that fail to act.
Harms are also unevenly distributed. Māori, Pasifika, disabled and gender-diverse young people are disproportionately targeted. A meaningful response must be grounded in te Tiriti and human rights and not just age limits.
There's a certain political appeal to a policy that promises to 'protect kids', especially one that appears to follow global trends. But that does not mean it is the right approach. Young people deserve better. They deserve a digital environment that is safe, inclusive, and empowering.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Newsroom
10 hours ago
- Newsroom
Tempers fray over coalition's slow pace on Palestine
Analysis: Shortly after becoming Prime Minister, Christopher Luxon laid out one of his guiding foreign policy principles. 'I want us to be in lockstep with our partners who have common interests and actually be right there with them at that time,' he said in December 2023, after his fledgling coalition Government signed onto joint statements about Russian cyber attacks and Israel's war in Gaza.

RNZ News
11 hours ago
- RNZ News
Decoding non-answers on Palestine
Prime Minister Christopher Luxon in the House. File photo. Photo: VNP / Phil Smith Analysis - Parliament held an urgent debate on Tuesday on whether to recognise Palestine as a state. Many of the speeches were fiery and the Hansard record is worth reading. Strong party positions were outlined by Simon Court (ACT), Vanushi Walters and others (Labour), Chlöe Swarbrick (Green) and Debbie Ngarewa-Packer (Te Pāti Māori). New Zealand First's only speaker, Winston Peters, spoke aggressively, though more as minister of foreign affairs than party leader. The only party that made no speeches at all was National. This was unusual for an urgent debate. The eight calls in an urgent debate are not proportionally allocated, but National MPs usually speak regardless of whether it is a National minister who initially responds. If nothing else, this uses up available Opposition speech time. It may be that the National Party has not managed an internal consensus on Palestine and was not prepared to reveal internal division or put forward a message some members wouldn't support. Other parties did not worry about laying out their opinions. ACT's speaker was the most fervently against statehood. Labour, Green and Te Pāti Māori MPs all made strong speeches. So, what does the National Party, or indeed the prime minister think about Palestine and Gaza? That is still uncertain, though an attempt to tease it out was made in Question Time, when Green co-leader Chlöe Swarbrick asked Christopher Luxon a series of questions on Gaza. Both answers and non-answers can both be instructive. Below are the questions and answers from that interchange and a later one, with brief commentary. Chlöe Swarbrick: Does he agree with the Minister of Foreign Affairs that "There are a broad range of strongly held views within our government", and, if so, who in the government is opposing recognising Palestinian Statehood? Christopher Luxon: There are a broad range and strongly held views across the whole of our society and across the whole of New Zealand and, as you would expect, across this Chamber there will be a variance of views as well. Note: You will notice that the prime minister didn't answer that question. That is not newsworthy - Luxon usually avoids directly answering Opposition questions in the House. He usually segues to prepared talking points, using phrases like "what I can say is", or "I'll just say to the member". The questions he receives are often very political (and have few good answers), so his avoidance is understandable. Some of Swarbrick's queries were more straightforward though, offering openings for statesmanlike or informed answers - like the next one. Chlöe Swarbrick: What is the harm, if any, of recognising Palestinian statehood? Christopher Luxon: Well, it's been a longstanding position of successive New Zealand Governments since 1947 to recognise the creation of a State for Israel and a State of Palestine where two peoples can live together in peace and security. That has been a longstanding position of the New Zealand Governments of different political parties. The issue is that we need to, as we've said, as you've heard the foreign Minister say, and it's been a longstanding position-it's a matter of when, not if. But the immediate challenge for the situation in the Middle East is, of course, Hamas must release hostages. As a terrorist organisation, they must release those hostages. Secondly, Israel must allow unfettered humanitarian access into what is an absolute catastrophe, and there must be a ceasefire and diplomacy and dialogue. Note: The next question was politically couched, but still afforded options for a good answer. Chlöe Swarbrick. Photo: RNZ / Mark Papalii Chlöe Swarbrick: Is the prime minister aware that Israeli hostages have been offered back multiple times and Israel currently holds approximately 10,000 Palestinian prisoners? Christopher Luxon: Sorry, I'm not going to respond to that question. That's not what I've been briefed on. Notes: Swarbrick appealed to the Speaker about that non-answer to a question she argued was seeking "to tease out the logic that [Luxon was] using with regard to government decision-making". Speaker Gerry Brownlee ruled in Luxon's favour, saying: "The prime minister said he wasn't prepared to answer it because it wasn't within the scope of the briefing that he's received." Parliament's rules do allow a few reasons why ministers might refuse to answer, including not giving a legal opinion, or an answer not being in the public interest. Not being briefed is not in the list, although some ministers do sometimes admit a lack of knowledge and offer to come back with a response. The next question felt like it was straight from a morning newspaper's five-minute quiz. Chlöe Swarbrick: Is the prime minister aware, then, of our obligations under the genocide convention, and, if so, what are they? Christopher Luxon: Yes, and what I'd say to the member is I would be very careful throwing terms like "genocide" around. It's very important that the right bodies that we support under the international rules-based system - the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court - are those closest and are the appropriate bodies which we fully support to make those determinations. Notes: For extra quiz points - signatories to the UN's Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (including New Zealand) - undertake to prevent as well as punish genocide. It's there in the name. Strictly speaking that answer could have stopped at "yes", because ministers are only required to address any one leg of a two-legged question. However, saying yes, and then pivoting away does make one wonder whether the prime minister was worried about getting the second leg wrong. Admitting to an obligation to prevent genocide might have made for a difficult follow-up question. Chlöe Swarbrick: Is the prime minister finally willing to say that Israel's slaughter and starvation of Palestinians in Gaza is a genocide, and, if not, what does he know that Holocaust and genocide scholars don't? Note: Like many questions in Question Time this one actually falls outside the very strict parameters for questions (which do not allow the inclusion of supposition or argument). On this occasion ACT leader David Seymour intervened with an objection to the Speaker. Swarbrick reworded the question. Chlöe Swarbrick: What does the prime minister know that Holocaust and genocide scholars apparently do not when they call what is currently occurring in Gaza a "genocide"? Christopher Luxon: Well, what I know is that there's a humanitarian catastrophe happening in the Middle East. What I know is that we want to see peace and stability and security reign in the Middle East, and, for that to happen, Hamas must release hostages immediately. What happened on 7 October from a terrorist organisation inflicting 1200 deaths on innocent civilians was unacceptable. We are also saying, clearly - and we've done it through a number of calls with other countries as well - that we want Israel to give unfettered humanitarian access. We do not want more military action. We need to make sure that we actually see diplomacy and dialogue reign in the Middle East. Note: Anyone managing to tease out a solid party or government position on Palestinian statehood from that interchange would need to be a talented haruspex. It is worth noting that during Question Time the prime minister does not speak as a party leader, but as leader of the Executive. Previous prime ministers have at times made observations as individuals or have outlined the varying perspectives that coalition partners bring to an issue. On this issue I expect there is significant diversion of thought, both within and between the coalition member parties. Possibly it is creditable that the prime minister is not seeking to impose a perspective on his own MPs as leader. Later in Question Time Te Pāti Māori co-leader Debbie Ngarewa-Packer also focused on Palestine. Most of her questions were not well phrased and were disallowed, but the first two added a little to the picture. Speaker Gerry Brownlee. Photo: RNZ Debbie Ngarewa-Packer: Why is the prime minister allowing the government to delay recognition of the State of Palestine until September? Christopher Luxon: Well, it's a government that wants to weigh up its position over the next month. We acknowledge that some of our close partners have changed their position; others have not. We will work our way through the process, as we outlined on Tuesday. Debbie Ngarewa-Packer: What criteria does the prime minister believe Palestinians have not met that is preventing his government from immediately recognising their humanity and statehood on Wednesday? Christopher Luxon: Well, as I explained earlier, it's been a longstanding, bipartisan position that New Zealand supports a two-state solution. It goes right back to 1947 and the partition. We want to see a State of Israel and a State of Palestine living peacefully, side by side. But we are going to review and weigh up our position, as we articulated, and it's an important issue, it's a complex issue, and we'll work through it sensibly and seriously. Note: Luxon avoided answering several out-of-order questions that followed on the Israeli Defence Force having killed Al Jazeera journalists, whether the IDF's actions undermined Israel's own statehood, and what would be left to protect once the government makes a decision about statehood. * RNZ's The House, with insights into Parliament, legislation and issues, is made with funding from Parliament's Office of the Clerk. Enjoy our articles or podcast at RNZ. Sign up for Ngā Pitopito Kōrero, a daily newsletter curated by our editors and delivered straight to your inbox every weekday.

RNZ News
12 hours ago
- RNZ News
Israel PM has 'lost the plot', says Christopher Luxon
NZ PM Christopher Luxon says the attack on Gaza City is 'utterly, utterly unacceptable'. Photo: RNZ / Mark Papalii Luxon's comments come on a tense day in Parliament, where Green's co-leader Chlöe Swarbrick was 'named' for refusing to leave the House following a heated debate on the government's plan to consider recognising Palestinian statehood. Speaking to media, Luxon said Netanyahu had "gone too far". "I think he has lost the plot and I think that what we're seeing overnight - the attack on Gaza City - is utterly, utterly unacceptable" he said. Luxon said Israel had consistently ignored pleas from the international community for humanitarian aid to be delivered "unfettered" and the situation was driving more human catastrophe across Gaza. "We are a small country a long way away, with very limited trade with Israel. We have very little connection with the country, but we have stood up for values, and we keep articulating them very consistently, and what you have seen is Israel not listening to the global community at all. "We have said a forcible displacement of people and an annexation of Gaza would be a breach of international law. We have called these things out consistently time and time again. "You've seen New Zealand join many of our friends and partners around the world to make these statements, and he's just not listening," the prime minister said. The government is considering whether it will join other countries like France, Canada and Australia in recognising Palestinian statehood at a UN Leader's Meeting next month. Luxon said recent attacks could "extinguish a pathway" to a two-state solution. "I'm telling you what my personal view is, as a human being, looking at the situation, that's how I feel about." he said. Labour Leader Chris Hipkins has called the war an "unfolding genocide", echoing the comments made by former Prime Minister Helen Clark, who visited the Rafah border crossing between Egypt and the Palestinian territory this week . "She's used the words 'unfolding genocide', and yes, I do agree with that. That's a good description of the situation at the moment." Hipkins said calling it an "unfolding genocide" meant that we were not "appointing ourselves judge and jury" because there was still a case to be heard before the International Court of Justice (ICJ). "Recognising that there is an unfolding genocide in Gaza is an important part of the world community standing up and saying, we're not going to tolerate it. "We should recognize that there is now a growing acknowledgement around the world that there is an unfolding genocide in Gaza, and I think we should call that for what it is, and the world community needs to react to that to prevent it from happening," Hipkins said. Sign up for Ngā Pitopito Kōrero , a daily newsletter curated by our editors and delivered straight to your inbox every weekday.