
MPs question release of Janusz Walus on parole, want him extradited & reincarcerated
The correctional services committee said that Walus showed no remorse after his release and should ideally be extradited and reincarcerated for violating parole conditions and South African laws.
Walus, who was sentenced to life for murdering Chris Hani, was released on parole before being deported to Poland in December last year, a decision that outraged many, including Hani's wife.
Correctional Services Minister Pieter Groenewald briefed the committee on the process of how people who were sentenced to life in prison could have their parole revoked, and how lifers were also not entitled to parole.
READ: SACP expresses disappointment over handling of Janusz Walus's deportation
This led to questions from members on how his statement contradicted certain decisions, like the release of Walus, who was serving life for Chris Hani's murder in 1993.
Committee member, Marlon Daniels, said that Walus showed no remorse in interviews after his release, which was a violation, calling for his extradition.
"We are in full support in checking out the prospects of extraditing Janusz Walus back to South Africa. In particular, the fact that there's no remorse."
Committee member, Carl Niehaus, asked about the possibility of extraditing Walus for his lack of remorse.
"On the basis of the fact that Walus had broken South African law."
Groenewald said that Walus was released on parole because of a Constitutional Court decision, or the Van Vuuren case, which stated that those sentenced to life before 2004 could be granted parole after serving 20 years.

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Eyewitness News
an hour ago
- Eyewitness News
PROF ZONDI: Despite early controversy, Ramaphosa's National Dialogue signals a path forward
The idea of a National Dialogue to get the nation talking about things that matter for the present and the future has been on our lips for a while now. It was first suggested as a Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA) 2 over 15 years ago. It was also suggested as an economic CODESA in the past, but there was no urge to convene it. Now that President Cyril Ramaphosa has kick-started the process, there is contestation about the process and approach to this. The controversies preceding the 15-16 August National Convention put these differences in the open for all to see. First, the legacy foundations representing the legacies of major political figures in South African history announced a dispute within the preparatory team and pulled out of the convention. In a joint letter, these entities, including the Thabo Mbeki Foundation, the Ahmed Kathrada Foundation, Steve Biko Foundation and the FW De Klerk Foundation, protested against a government takeover of what was announced to be a citizen-led national dialogue. As a result of this alleged government takeover, the foundations said, there was a rush to convene the convention before all was ready for this and decisions to undertake emergency procurement in possible violation of the Public Finance Management Act (PFMA). The government, through the Presidency, disputed this, and the president convened the preparatory task team to confirm that there was no merit to the foundations' concerns. Indeed, the National Convention happened with much fanfare and produced some notable decisions. The convention went off quite smoothly and signalled a thoughtful process. It seemed the foundations' decisions had not harmed the process and signalled that they do not have as much influence as some thought. But their decision had put a damper on the idea and caused many questions to be raised, including in talk shows, on social media and other public exchanges. Of course, a discussion of this nature could not avoid displaying the agony of many about the failure of the post-apartheid transition to deliver a better life for all. This is the failure to overcome poverty and reduce unemployment. The transition has not been successful in reducing inequalities according to race, class, gender and other dimensions. The beautiful post-apartheid democracy has been marked by a long period of lower economic growth, growing crime and corruption, fragmentation and disillusionment in the population. The sixth administration elected with great hope has delivered failures and disappointments while promising positive change. Couple this with a growing population, including illegal immigration swelling the numbers of the poor and climate change effects, the crisis keeps deepening, and despair is growing. This was evident in the discussions and submissions at the national convention. Some of the areas of consensus achieved are significantly important for moving forward. The decision to give a strong focus to discussions of problems and solutions in the economy towards an inclusive economy and livelihoods is a noble one. This subject is closely tied to the matter of land reform, agrarian transformation and food security. This was elevated into a priority on its own. We hope the discussion will reflect on why we have failed to achieve what was set out in the National Development Plan about this. Crime and corruption were ranked the second most important priority by virtue of public concern and the scale of it as a national crisis. On that score, the scourge of gender-based violence and femicide (GBVF) stood out as a matter for focused attention as the dialogue begins. The subject of education and health is framed as about winning the future. The discussions elevated the State as a subject of discussion because of its association with problems and its key role in managing many solutions to national crises. Indeed, the National Development Plan (NDP), too, made building a capable developmental State a key task of the nation back in 2012. If discussions clarify what has been achieved and what has not been achieved, and why it would have helped the country move forward. The subject of values and culture as a matter critical for rebuilding the social fabric on which the nation and the State are built was made prominent by civil society voices worried that failures were not incidental but systemic. The NDP had enjoined us to work hard to achieve social cohesion, a sort of renewal for the nation's soul. The convention re-emphasised the vagaries of inter-generational trauma and called for healing. This dialogue could help us find out how progress can be achieved. In the final analysis, what is said and recommended in response to growing poverty and inequality will be a measure by which the success of the dialogue will be judged. All these issues were interlinked. The attainment of one relies on the achievements in other areas. It seems that the National Dialogue is now back on track. But there are pointers to consider, which, when applied, would improve the process. The first is that it is to be expected that the National Dialogue will not be a smooth, quiet and united discussion but could have tough edges as stakeholders jostle for the nation's soul. It could even be messy and chaotic, without being a disaster. It can be dogged by controversy without collapsing. Professor Siphamandla Zondi Director: Institute for Pan-Africa Thought & Conversation; and co-director: Institute for Global African Affairs Professor: Department of Politics and International Relations


eNCA
3 hours ago
- eNCA
Deputy police commissioner Sibiya challenges 'unlawful' suspension
JOHANNESBURG - South African National Commissioner for Crime Detection, Lieutenant-General Shadrack Sibiya, is fighting back against National Police Commissioner, Fannie Masemola's, notice of suspension against him. Sibiya's legal team says the suspension is unlawful and riddled with irregularities. They're demanding it be withdrawn immediately. Sibiya's lawyers are also pushing to stop parallel proceedings against him. This application is scheduled to be heard on the 26th of August. Sibiya's lawyers warn they may seek court orders against the process and even pursue costs against Masemola.


eNCA
3 hours ago
- eNCA
Culture of silence costing lives
JOHANNESBURG - A culture of silence is killing local communities. Too many people choose to look the other way when they see abuse, and when they finally speak out, it's often too late. In a recent case, a relative recorded a four-year-old girl's cries on video in Eldorado Park. Her father was allegedly sexually and physically abusing her. Police arrived at the scene and she was rushed to hospital but her injuries were too extensive and she later died. The community knew about little Nikita's abuse, but many chose to stay silent. A relative filmed a video, which is too graphic to unmute, in it, the four-year-old screamed and sobbed as she was beaten behind closed doors. A well-worn pattern in cases of gender-based violence, child abuse, and crime where communities close ranks, many stay silent, and only react when tragedy strikes. Dr Shaheda Omar from the Teddy Bear Clinic said, "The ethos of protection and community caring, unfortunately, has dissipated. The spirit of Ubuntu where your child is my child. It's become the typical M.Y.O.B syndrome. Mind your own business.' Experts believe it's also a lack of trust. Child Counselling Centre's Claudine Ribeiro said, "I think people have seen over the years that the whole justice system, in some cases, is not effective." "And they don't always see the police arriving to deal with matters of family violence or domestic abuse. They don't always see systems as helping them. So they become disillusioned with systems that are there, that are meant to protect them.' Every South African has a legal duty to report suspected child abuse. Dr Omar explained, "One needs to understand that there are pieces of legislation, so with regard to children, the Children's Act certainly speaks to reporting abuse. It's not a moral obligation; it's a legal obligation.'