The Attack on the Army and the Threats Facing Sudan
A brutal civil war continues to wreak havoc in Sudan, and foreign actors are clearly fueling the conflict. Most recently, we saw the campaign to weaken the Sudanese army at the border triangle between Sudan, Libya, and Egypt. Some are now openly hoping for its defeat and others, behind the veil of calls for 'restructuring' it, are seeking to break the army apart.
One broad theme of this campaign is that the Sudanese armed forces are the former regime's (the National Congress Party) army and that it is a partisan militia rather than a national institution.
While the army does include figures affiliated with the NCP, men from across the political spectrum are also part of the army. Some have no political affiliations or ties to the former regime. Many of those fighting alongside the army today, including members of the joint forces and the newly mobilized battalions, fall into this category. Some of the youths had participated in the December Revolution and long opposed the previous regime. They cannot be labeled 'NCP'.
Despite political divergences, many international and regional actors agree that there is a fundamental need to preserve Sudan's state institutions, chief among them the armed forces. Indeed, the collapse of the army would not simply mean one faction's defeat in an armed conflict. It would mean the collapse of the state itself and introduce chaos and fragmentation. This consensus was not reached out of sentiment but a sober assessment of recent history.
There are many tragic cases of nations descending into violent turmoil following the disintegration of their national armies. The violence seen in Iraq after the 2003 invasion stands out: Paul Bremer's dissolution of the Iraqi army created a massive security vacuum that was quickly filled by non-state actors like al-Qaeda and ISIS. Iraqi cities became battlegrounds, state institutions crumbled, and the country drowned in sectarian bloodshed.
In Libya, overthrowing Gaddafi's regime without a plan to build a unified army left rival factions fighting a devastating war fueled by foreign intervention. In Somalia, the state collapsed after Siad Barre's regime fell, turning the country into several spheres of influence controlled by warlords. This led to a devastating civil war that went on for nearly two decades and eventually led to the emergence of extremist organizations such as Al-Shabaab.
In Africa, this catastrophe has taken a variety of forms. In the Democratic Republic of the Congo (formerly Zaire), the collapse of Mobutu Sese Seko's army led to the First and Second Congo Wars. Nine African countries took part in the hostilities that claimed the lives of millions. In Liberia, the disintegration of the army led to a civil war that killed nearly a quarter of a million people.
The lesson from these precedents is that the national army is the "pillar of the state:" If it collapses, the entire state collapses. If the Sudanese army collapses or is dismantled- whether due to internal conflicts, external pressures, or wrong political decisions- the country would find itself in one of the following catastrophic scenarios:
- Security and police agencies would become non-existent, leading to chaos and mass criminality.
- The security vacuum would unleash militias vying for power and wealth, and dangerous tribal and regional conflicts would open the door to new demands for secession, especially given the exploitation of marginalized regions.
- Cross-border conflicts would be inflamed as militias or armed groups seek refuge or resources.
- Terrorist groups would emerge, finding fertile ground for their activity in the chaos and insecurity. They are becoming increasingly active in the Sahel, not far from Sudan's borders.
- Instability would pose a threat to neighboring countries in the region.
- All of this unrest would lead to unprecedented humanitarian disasters, fueling famine and a refugee crisis.
In conclusion, the Sudanese army is the "last line of defense" against the state's collapse. Precedents show that dismantling national armies does not lead to democracy, but rather to chaos, especially in a volatile climate of aggravating regional and global conflicts.
Reforming the army is essential, and many other Sudanese state institutions must also be reformed. The military top brass has stressed the need for reform in light of the war, the integration of armed movements that signed the peace agreement, ending the era when there were multiple armed movements and armies in the county, and leaving weapons monopolized by the state. However, this reform should not, under any circumstances, entail dismantling the army or restructuring it in a manner that weakens it.
Sudan needs a strong army more than ever, to protect against conspiracies and foreign ambitions. A strong national army that ignores politics and devotes itself to protecting the homeland is the only bulwark against the aggravating assaults on Sudan.

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Arab News
8 hours ago
- Arab News
Why Egypt blocked the Global March to Gaza
Thousands of activists arrived in Egypt in early June on a mission to march from North Sinai to the Rafah border crossing, demanding an end to Israel's blockade on Gaza and the delivery of humanitarian aid. The Global March to Gaza brought together participants from over 40 countries, including the US, European nations, and North African states in a striking display of solidarity with the Palestinian people. But as the convoy advanced toward Egypt's eastern frontier, it was met with a firm response. Dozens of foreign activists were detained upon arrival in Cairo, questioned at airports, and in many cases deported before the march could even begin. Some critics saw this reaction as incompatible with Egypt's long-standing support for the Palestinian cause. But this interpretation oversimplifies a complex reality. Egypt's stance was neither a rejection of Gaza nor a withdrawal of support. It was a reaffirmation that solidarity must operate within the framework of state sovereignty, national security, and the rule of law. The area surrounding Rafah is not ordinary terrain. It lies within the Sinai Peninsula, where there has been years of terrorism and military operations. For over a decade, Egyptian forces have fought extremist terrorist groups there, and the region remains under heightened military alert. In such a context, the presence of thousands of foreign demonstrators, however peaceful their purpose, posed a tangible risk. Unregulated gatherings near a militarized border could become targets for violence, be exploited by hostile actors, or unintentionally trigger confrontation. Egyptian authorities were clear: they reserve the right to regulate the movement of individuals within their territory, especially in sensitive areas. On the eve of the planned march, the Foreign Ministry affirmed Egypt's right to take all necessary measures to safeguard national security. The message was unambiguous: expressions of international solidarity are welcome, but not at the expense of Egypt's stability or sovereignty. Cairo's approach must be understood in light of its consistent position on Gaza. Egypt has played a leading role in facilitating aid, diplomacy, and humanitarian coordination since the current conflict began. It was among the first Arab states to call for a ceasefire and for expanded access for humanitarian assistance. When Rafah was open, Egypt facilitated the passage of medical aid and evacuees through its side of the border. The Egyptian Red Crescent has been the key operator of relief supplies. It is Israel's closure of the Gaza side of the crossing that has prevented the steady flow of aid, not any failure on Egypt's part. Nevertheless, Egypt insists that any form of engagement near its borders must follow legal and administrative procedures. Foreign delegations must obtain authorization to access areas such as Rafah. Mass protests in a restricted military zone, however well-intentioned, are not seen as legitimate means of pressure. This is not an attempt to suppress activism, but to preserve a functional and secure border in a volatile environment. Egypt's position would probably be echoed by any sovereign nation under similar conditions. At the heart of this stance lies a critical truth: Egypt rejects any implication that it should assume responsibility for Gaza's fate, especially if that means opening its territory to mass displacement. Cairo has consistently resisted proposals that could turn Sinai into a refuge for Palestinians fleeing Israeli aggression. The concern is not driven by a lack of empathy, but by a strategic imperative to prevent demographic shifts that might absolve Israel of its legal obligations to the Palestinian population. Egypt supports Gaza's people not by dismantling borders, but by defending the principle that they belong in their homeland, with their rights intact. From Egypt's perspective, the symbolic act of marching on Rafah misses a key point: the power to open or close the crossing lies with Israel. Since May 2024, Israeli forces have sealed the Gaza side of Rafah, preventing not only aid deliveries but also the exit of injured civilians and medical teams. In this context, Egypt sees mass mobilization at its own gate as misdirected. No amount of protest on the Egyptian side can physically unlock a door shut by the Israeli military. The energy of international solidarity, Egypt argues, would be better spent lobbying the governments of the world to pressure Israel directly to end the blockade. The situation presents Egypt with a difficult balancing act. On one hand, it faces pressure from global civil society, humanitarian organizations and a sympathetic public outraged by Gaza's suffering. On the other, it must navigate the demands of regional stability, Israeli sensitivities, and Western diplomatic concerns. Days before the scheduled demonstration, Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant called publicly on Egypt to stop the marchers, branding them 'jihadists' and warning of threats to Israeli forces. Western governments, too, entered into quiet conversations with Cairo. France, for instance, contacted Egyptian officials regarding detained nationals, implicitly recognizing Egypt's right to enforce laws on its territory. In the end, the gathering was halted, not out of hostility to Gaza, but in defense of national order and legal responsibility. Egypt's response underscores a broader principle: the state is not governed by emotion alone, but by a rational balance of values, security, and sovereignty. Cairo's actions do not represent a retreat from supporting Gaza. Rather, they reflect an effort to channel that support in ways that preserve regional stability and protect the state's role as a responsible actor. What Egypt seeks now, and what the international solidarity movement must consider, is cooperation, not confrontation. The shared goals remain: ending the siege of Gaza, delivering aid, and securing justice for the Palestinian people. But to achieve this, engagement must be structured, lawful, and politically intelligent. Solidarity must remain strong, but also mature — anchored in realism, not spectacle; coordination, not disruption. In today's fraught geopolitical climate, working with Egypt, not against it, may be the surest path to meaningful impact. • Dr. Abdellatif El-Menawy has covered conflicts worldwide. X: @ALMenawy


Asharq Al-Awsat
11 hours ago
- Asharq Al-Awsat
Egypt Deports Dozens More Foreign Nationals Heading for March to Gaza
Egyptian authorities on Friday detained or deported more foreign nationals seeking to join a pro-Palestinian march to Gaza. Hundreds of international activists arrived in Egypt this week for the Global March to Gaza, an initiative aimed at pressuring Israel to end its blockade of the enclave. Organizers said on Thursday people from 80 countries were set to begin the march to Egypt's Rafah Crossing with Gaza. Egypt's Foreign Ministry has said visits to the Rafah border region must be coordinated in advance with Egyptian embassies or government entities and underlined the need to follow official procedures to ensure safety and security. Organizers say they coordinated with Egyptian authorities and have urged the government to release those detained. Groups of foreign participants were being held at checkpoints, and sit-ins had begun at two locations on the road leading to the Rafah crossing, organizers said. They said police were stopping vehicles about 30 km (20 miles) from Ismailia, close to the Sinai peninsula, en route to Rafah, nearly 300 km away. Police were forcing passengers with non-Egyptian passports to disembark, they said. Security sources confirmed that at least 88 individuals had been detained or deported from Cairo airport and other locations. Officials at Cairo International Airport said new directives were issued to airlines requiring all passengers travelling to Egypt between June 12 and 16 to hold confirmed return tickets. Three airport sources told Reuters on Thursday at least 73 foreign nationals had been deported on a flight to Istanbul after authorities said they violated entry protocols, and that about 100 more were at the airport awaiting deportation. Israel's defense minister told the Israeli military on Wednesday to prevent demonstrators entering Gaza from Egypt, and said the march was a threat to Israeli and regional security.


Asharq Al-Awsat
17 hours ago
- Asharq Al-Awsat
Saudi FM Holds Phone Talks with Egyptian, Jordanian Counterparts
Saudi Minister of Foreign Affairs, Prince Faisal bin Farhan, held two separate phone calls on Friday with his Egyptian and Jordanian counterparts, the Saudi Press Agency said. During his call with Jordanian minister Ayman Safadi, discussions focused on the Israeli attack on Iran, its regional repercussions, and the ongoing efforts to de-escalate the situation in the region. Bin Farhan also discussed the Israeli attack on Iran with the Egyptian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Badr Abdelatty. They discussed the regional repercussions of the attack and the ongoing efforts to ease the tension in the region.