
Dollar poised for fifth-straight monthly drop on trade, fiscal uncertainty
SINGAPORE: The US dollar softened on Friday, heading for its fifth-straight monthly decline as traders braced for further bouts of uncertainty around trade and fiscal health, while investors awaited a pivotal inflation report later in the day.
The greenback had a choppy week, ending lower in the previous session after a federal court temporarily reinstated the most sweeping of President Donald Trump's tariffs, a day after a separate trade court had ordered an immediate block on tariffs.
Trump on Thursday criticized the trade court's decision and said he hoped the Supreme Court would overturn the decision.
The uncertainty around tariffs has taken a vice-like grip on the markets as investors flee US assets looking for alternatives, worried that Trump's erratic policies could challenge the strength and outperformance of US markets.
"The (court) decision marks the beginning of a new source of uncertainty rather than the total closure of another," said Kyle Rodda, senior financial market analyst at Capital.com, noting the mood in the markets was cautious.
Thursday's weekly jobless claims and economic growth data did little to placate worries of an economic downturn. The focus will be on the Federal Reserve's preferred inflation data - the personal consumption expenditure report - later on Friday.
Much of the month was also dominated by worries about fiscal debt levels in developed economies, highlighted by weak appetite for freshly issued longer-dated credit in the US and in Japan.
On Friday, the euro was slightly firmer at US$1.1378, while the Swiss franc was also stronger at 0.8216 per dollar.
The US currency was set for monthly declines against the Swiss franc, the euro as well as the pound.
The dollar index, which tracks the US unit against a basket of six other currencies, was muted on the day. The index was set for a decline of 0.4 per cent in May, on course for its fifth month in the red.
On the flip side, markets have been taking notice of emerging market assets in recent weeks. An index tracking emerging market currencies has gained 2.2 per cent for the month - its biggest one-month rise since November 2023.
On Friday, the Japanese yen firmed 0.3 per cent to 143.73 per dollar after data showed underlying inflation in Tokyo hit a more than two-year high in May, keeping alive the chances of further interest rate hikes from the Bank of Japan.
However, the dollar is on track for a small monthly rise against the yen, its first after five previous months in the red.
Markets are also on the lookout for any fresh clues on highly anticipated trade deals as the Trump-mandated July 9 deadline on tariffs draws near.
Yields on longer-dated US and Japanese bonds have eased this week, but still remain close to multi-month highs as investors question debt sustainability of the economies.
Elsewhere, the Australian dollar eased a bit to US$0.6429 and was set for a marginal rise in May. The New Zealand dollar last bought US$0.5973.
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The Sun
7 hours ago
- The Sun
Senior Taiwan official visits site of new Alaska LNG project
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The Star
7 hours ago
- The Star
Is China's promise of a new world order a self-serving power play?
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Observers have watched as China has amplified this theme to court Europe and the Global South, framing itself as a defender of multilateralism and a responsible stakeholder in the post-war system in contrast to what Washington now offers. But the analysts have also cautioned that divergent world views and competing national interests – as well as the strategic calculations of countries seeking to balance or benefit from US-China tensions – could undercut Beijing's vision of a multipolar world. China has used its membership in diplomatic platforms, such as the United Nations and the World Trade Organization, to highlight its World War II sacrifices and contributions to the post-war international order. During a visit to Moscow last month, Chinese President Xi Jinping told his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin that both sides should work together to defend their second world war legacies, as well as the rights of developing nations to pursue an 'equal and orderly' multipolar world. Victor Gao, vice-president of the Centre for China and Globalisation, said Beijing has been reminding the world of the origins of the post-war international system. 'The international order established in 1945 was not unilateral from the outset – it was built on multilateralism, centred around the United Nations,' he said. 'The US launch of a global tariff war ... deprives other countries' rights to development, which China opposes.' Since Xi came to power, China has advanced its vision of a multipolar world order through initiatives such as the Global Development Initiative (GDI), the Global Security Initiative, and the Global Civilisation Initiative – all aimed at providing an alternative to the Western development model. The Belt and Road Initiative has been central to these initiatives to empower developing economies, alongside the expansion of Global South-focused blocs such as Brics. 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'However, China's embrace of multipolarity is selective and self-serving. While it publicly promotes a world of diverse centres of power, in practice it seeks to structure this order in ways that amplify its own influence.' Through its trillion-dollar Belt and Road Initiative, China is expanding its footprint across developing regions, including Latin America, Africa, Southeast Asia and the Middle East. The areas have become key destinations for Beijing to diversify its exports and supply chains, while also offering access to critical minerals amid US export controls. Gustavo de Carvalho, a senior researcher on African governance and diplomacy at the South African Institute of International Affairs, said Latin American and African countries embrace China's multipolar vision where it provides 'tangible benefits', such as technology transfers, industrial upgrades and 'institutional alternatives'. Latin American and African countries including Brazil and South Africa – both Brics members – have often backed China's push to reform global governance in favour of Global South interests. But 'rather than endorsing any particular power's vision of world order', these countries have hedged their ties with the US and Europe alongside China amid the US-China rivalry, de Carvalho said. He cited African nations ramping up lithium and battery production to serve both Chinese and Western markets, and Latin American countries pursuing trade deals with the European Union while deepening their economic ties with Beijing. 'This represents calculated hedging rather than ideological conversion,' de Carvalho said. Similar hedging strategies have also been adopted by Middle Eastern countries, as they position themselves to benefit from a future multipolar structure, Afterman said. 'China has found receptive ground for its multipolar vision in the Middle East, especially among states seeking greater strategic autonomy from Washington,' he said. 'For Gulf monarchies and other regional actors, multipolarity is not about endorsing a new global order but about expanding strategic space. These countries seek to balance between the US, China, Russia and others to advance their national interests.' '[But] divergences become clear when China's vision intersects with contested regional dynamics or entrenched security architectures ... China's growing economic role is evident, but whether it has the will or capacity to assume a meaningful political or security role in the region remains an open question.' Many Middle Eastern nations have long been reliant on US security guarantees, and the region has returned to the forefront of Trump's 'America first' strategy. His recent visit to the region secured billions of dollars in AI-related investments – an arena of intense competition between Washington and Beijing. At last week's China-Asean Gulf Cooperation Council forum in Malaysia, Chinese Premier Li Qiang pledged to deepen regional economic integration, aiming to build a market where investment, technology and talent move freely. While many Southeast Asian nations have been open to China's call for a multipolar world, they have also been assessing whether Beijing was 'fully living up to' the ideals it has been pitching, especially when it comes to its approach on the South China Sea, according to Dylan Loh, a Chinese foreign policy specialist at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore. 'While [China] speaks of an equitable, multipolar and just world, [Southeast Asian] states are also assessing if this is the case. Its actions in the South China Sea, for instance, are seen by some as not fully aligning with some of the principles it espouses,' he said. Long-standing sovereignty disputes over the resource-rich region have strained China's relations with several Asean members. The contested waterway has also increasingly become a flashpoint for military tensions between China and US allies. Shi Yinhong, an international relations professor at Renmin University, said multipolarisation may offer smaller nations greater room to manoeuvre but also more pressure to choose sides. It remained doubtful that Trump's 'isolationism' would provide more room for China to increase its influence in the developing world, he added, noting that issues such as the South China Sea, Iran and Russia's war in Ukraine would continue to strain China's relations with Europe and the Global South. 'Apart from some limited and somewhat empty diplomatic gains, China's financial resources will be further squeezed, especially with that consumptive overseas involvement, if the Belt and Road Initiative has not been implemented effectively.' China has begun pivoting its belt and road spending toward more financially sustainable projects in green energy and hi-tech sectors as it continues to face economic headwinds. Many economists have predicted that sustained US tariffs would further slow its economy. Jo Inge Bekkevold, a Senior China Fellow at the Norwegian Institute for Defence Studies, said China's push for multipolarity has gained a lot of traction in the Global South, but less so in Europe. China has long seen the EU as a key pole in a multipolar world, urging Brussels to maintain 'strategic autonomy' as the bloc has aligned with Washington to counter Beijing's influence. EU-China relations have shown signs of thaw as transatlantic ties have been strained over Trump's tariffs and Ukraine policies. In a recent exchange of notes with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and European Council President Antonio Costa to mark 50 years of diplomatic ties, Xi called the EU a 'major force' in building a multipolar world alongside China. Bekkevold said Europe had not fully agreed with 'America's threat assessment of China' due to geographic distance, which has also allowed it more room to hedge and sustain economic ties with Beijing. At a May forum hosted by the EU delegation to China, European experts also pointed out that while Brussels and Beijing shared an interest in preserving UN-based multilateralism, their strategies and interpretations of it differed. When asked about possible EU cooperation with Brics, Justyna Szczudlik, deputy head of research and coordinator of the Asia-Pacific Programme at the Polish Institute of International Affairs, said Brics was 'China-led multilateralism', adding that the bloc had its 'own agenda' with the Global South. The EU has also diversified its global partnerships, recently signing a major trade agreement with the South American trade bloc Mercosur and pursuing a deal with India by year's end. According to Amit Ranjan, a China-India relations expert at the National University of Singapore, India saw multipolarisation as a way to gain influence in global governance. 'India also projects itself as an important player in world politics and world diplomacy. Therefore, India always calls for reformed multilateralism, because in the current multilateral structure, especially like the UN, it does not have a suitable space for New Delhi,' he said. Ranjan pointed to the UN Security Council, where India's bid for permanent membership has been blocked by China, which has been reluctant to share its status as the sole Asian permanent member amid concerns it could dilute Beijing's influence. Ranjan added that, like China, India has also considered itself a leader for the Global South and has been engaging with state players. Since 2023, India has hosted the annual Voice of Global South Summit with more than 100 nations taking part. It has long pushed back against China's dominance in Brics and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and has refused to endorse the Belt and Road Initiative. Additional reporting by Dewey Sim - SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST


BusinessToday
9 hours ago
- BusinessToday
What's The Next Catalyst For Markets?
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