
Admiral Alireza Tangsiri, Commander Of The IRGC Navy: We Will Respond To Any Aggression Against Iranian Ships, And Will Chase Aggressors To The Gulf Of Mexico If Needed – We Are Not The Type Of People Who Turn The Other Cheek
Admiral Alireza Tangsiri, commander of the IRGC Navy, stated in an interview with Mayadeen TV (Lebanon) aired on March 28, 2025, that it is not up to him to decide whether to close the Strait of Hormuz, but he would be the one to implement such a decision. He explained that this would happen if Iran is "deprived of its rights." Tangsiri asserted that Iran is a superpower, and that the world is wide. He mentioned that Trump had issued similar threats before, but they could not stop Iran from exporting oil. He emphasized that Iran would respond in kind to any actions taken against Iranian ships, stating that the Iranian people are not the type to turn the other cheek. He added, "No one can hit us and run away," and further stated that the IRGC Navy would chase any aggressors to the Gulf of Mexico, if necessary.
Alireza Tangsiri: "The decision to close the Hormuz Strait is not mine to make. It is the decision of the higher ups, but its implementation is on me. This decision will be made if they deprive us of our rights, and if we see that other ships are passing through. It will have a completely different meaning, and then the appropriate decision will be made, whether to close it or leave it open. As a soldier, I will implement the decision.
[...]
"We are a superpower and the world is wide. Trump had issued these threats before. They cannot stop us from exporting oil. If our ships are subject to any incident, we will undoubtedly respond in kind.
"If they detain our ships, we will detain their ships as well. We will not stand idly by and just watch America or any other country detaining our ships, like Britain did in Gibraltar, while their ships pass freely, whether in or out of the Persian Gulf, or [even] in the oceans. We will respond in kind. We are not the kind of people that turn the other cheek when slapped. No, we are not like that. If we are slapped, we respond with a stronger slap.
[...]
"No one can hit us and run away. Even if we have to chase them to the Gulf of Mexico, we will do it."

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Iraqi News
2 hours ago
- Iraqi News
Iraq launches program to increase oil and gas reserves
Baghdad ( – Iraq's attempts to optimize its oil and gas reserves continue with a new program aimed at drilling 15 exploratory wells, which would raise state earnings and assist the country's budget and economy. The Iraqi Minister of Oil, Hayan Abdul-Ghani, attended a ceremony held on Sunday to sign the first contract marking the launch of a new program by digging the first exploratory well, according to the Iraqi News Agency (INA). Abdul-Ghani stressed his ministry's dedication to increasing oil and gas reserves and enhancing the country's standing among oil-producing countries. The new initiative is expected to boost Iraq's oil and gas reserves through more exploration in locations with potential volumes and reserves, according to Abdul-Ghani. The deal was signed by Iraqi Drilling Company (IDC), Oil Exploration Company (OEC), and North Oil Company (NOC). Iraq's efforts to optimize its oil and gas reserves coincide with the government's increased use of crude oil to generate power in the country amid limited Iranian gas supplies. Oil consumption for electricity generation in Iraq is expected to reach record levels in the coming months as part of attempts to avoid periodic power disruptions throughout the summer. Domestic demand for oil is predicted to increase by roughly 150,000 barrels per day between April and August 2025, boosting power output.


Shafaq News
4 hours ago
- Shafaq News
US offers Iran limited uranium enrichment
Shafaq News/ The United States proposed allowing Iran limited low-level uranium enrichment on its soil, Axios reported on Monday, citing two sources familiar with the matter. The proposal, submitted on Saturday, does not call for the full dismantlement of Iran's nuclear facilities. Instead, it permits Tehran to maintain a 3% enrichment capability under international oversight, with key terms — including the duration — still subject to negotiation. The sources described the offer as a departure from earlier US positions, viewing it as an indication of flexibility from President Donald Trump. It also contrasts with prior public statements by senior US officials, including White House envoy Steve Witkoff and Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who have repeatedly stated that Washington would not accept any enrichment activity within Iran, pressing for a complete dismantling of its nuclear infrastructure. The White House did not deny any of the reported details when contacted by Axios. The proposal is expected to raise tensions between Washington and Israel. The Israeli government has long opposed any arrangement that allows Iran to retain elements of its nuclear program. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has urged the United States to adopt a stricter posture, rejecting any compromise that could enable Tehran to maintain nuclear-related capabilities, even at limited levels. In Tehran, Foreign Ministry spokesperson Esmaeil Baghaei indicated that Iran is still evaluating the US proposal, noting that Washington has yet to offer sufficient assurances regarding the timeline and mechanism for lifting sanctions, which Iranian officials view as a central issue in any negotiation.


Shafaq News
10 hours ago
- Shafaq News
Golden Jubilee: PUK's 50-year legacy faces a test of relevance
Shafaq News/ The 50th anniversary of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), once a defining moment in the Kurdish national movement, arrived this week not with a triumphant celebration, but with quiet introspection and visible fractures. The golden jubilee, marked in al-Sulaymaniyah under the leadership of Bafel Talabani, son of the party's iconic founder Jalal Talabani, underscored both generational transition and growing uncertainty. Rather than a grand spectacle evoking past struggles and victories, the anniversary gathering took a more subdued form. Founding slogans were absent. Veteran leaders, long symbolic of the party's revolutionary legacy, were not present. And what remained was a younger leadership grappling with internal divisions, shifting alliances, and the formidable challenge of political relevance in a rapidly evolving Kurdistan Region. From Unity to Fragmentation Since its founding in 1975, the PUK has played a central role in shaping Kurdish and Iraqi politics, particularly after 2003. But that influence has waned since the death of Jalal Talabani in 2017. The transition to Bafel Talabani's leadership has been accompanied by sweeping changes in the party's internal structure—some described by allies as necessary modernization, and others by critics as centralization and exclusion. Prominent figures like Lahur Sheikh Jangi, once co-chair with Bafel, have been ousted amid internal disputes. Other influential veterans such as Mala Bakhtiyar, Mahmoud Sangawi, and Barham Salih have seen their roles curtailed. For many observers, this signals a fundamental shift in how the PUK defines leadership and legitimacy. Karzan Murad, an academic speaking to Shafaq News, argued that these developments reveal a deeper structural change. 'The party was once a collective leadership with strong personalities balancing each other out. Now, decision-making appears increasingly centered around a narrow circle.' Murad also noted that Bafel's recent visit to the US failed to secure meetings with senior officials—unlike his political rival PM Masrour Barzani of the KDP, who was received at the highest levels. "That contrast is telling," he added. PUK's traditionally close ties with Iran have also weakened. While Tehran once prioritized relations with Al-Sulaymaniyah-based leaders, it now engages more directly with the KDP, as seen in Nechirvan Barzani's prominent receptions in the Iranian capital, Murad said. Generational Change or Institutional Drift? Not everyone views the changes as negative. Delshad Namq, a political commentator, believes what the PUK is undergoing is an inevitable generational handover. 'No political party can be frozen in time,' he said. 'At some point, legacy has to make room for evolution.' But others, like longtime party member Hasan Rawi, warn that the current approach risks alienating both the base and international partners. 'Excluding historical figures removes a key source of institutional memory. International actors now view the party as adrift,' Rawi noted, citing a perceived lack of strategic vision and clarity. Researcher Badr Ismail Sherwaki echoed that concern, highlighting what he described as a growing disconnect between the party leadership and its traditional support base. 'Kurdish politics is personal. It's about loyalty to individuals, not just institutions. Without charismatic figures who command trust, it's unclear what fills the vacuum,' he said. Eroding Ground in Al-Sulaymaniyah Nowhere is the impact of these internal struggles more visible than in the party's heartland: Al-Sulaymaniyah. Once a stronghold, the city is increasingly fragmented. Lahur Sheikh Jangi has launched a new political movement—Berey Gel (People's Front)—which is gaining traction, especially among younger voters disillusioned with both the PUK's recent performance and its leadership disputes. This is reminiscent of the rise of the Gorran (Change) Movement in the early 2000s, which also tapped into frustration over stagnation and exclusion. Meanwhile, the PUK has lost political initiative in key regional matters. The Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) now leads most negotiations with Baghdad and has a firmer grip on sensitive files like energy and budget policy. With Kurdistan's political weight shifting westward to Erbil, the PUK risks becoming a reactive rather than proactive actor. The Leadership's Defense Bafel Talabani and his team argue that the changes should be seen as a necessary transformation rather than a betrayal of legacy. Senior PUK official Burhan Sheikh Rauf told Shafaq News that veteran voices are still respected and consulted through the party's High Council of Interests and that the reorganization is aimed at future-proofing the party. At a rally in al-Sulaymaniyah Stadium, Bafel Talabani struck a conciliatory tone. While honoring the party's history through visual tributes to figures like Jalal Talabani, his speech emphasized present-day challenges and the need for pragmatism. He reiterated that the PUK is still respected in Baghdad and remains a balancing force in Kurdistan's delicate political ecosystem, pointing to the party's continued support for regional Kurdish rights and its role in peace efforts with Ankara. Yet, some analysts believe this rhetorical balancing act may not be enough. Without delivering on core issues—public sector salaries, governance reforms, and tangible influence in Baghdad—the PUK's claim to relevance may ring hollow. Between Legacy and Uncertainty Established with a leftist identity that fused Kurdish nationalism with socialism, the PUK now finds itself navigating a complex terrain. Rather than a moment of glory, the 50th anniversary became a mirror held up to the party itself. It reflected nostalgia, fractures, and above all, a test: Can the PUK reinvent itself without losing its soul? Or will it become yet another legacy movement weighed down by the very history it once proudly authored?