logo
Pope tells media to shun divisions

Pope tells media to shun divisions

Pope Leo XIV, in his first address to the media, has urged journalists to focus on reporting the truth instead of engaging in partisan debates and called for the release of reporters jailed for doing their jobs.
"The way we communicate is of fundamental importance: we must say 'no' to the war of words and images, we must reject the paradigm of war," Leo told thousands of journalists who covered his election and the death of his predecessor, Pope Francis, last month.
He also spoke up for jailed journalists who, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists, numbered 361 at the end of last year.
"The suffering of these imprisoned journalists challenges the conscience of nations and the international community, calling on all of us to safeguard the precious gift of free speech and of the press," the pontiff said.
Leo, the former Cardinal Robert Prevost, is the first pope born in the United States. He was elected as Pope on May 8 and is a relatively unknown figure on the global stage, spending most of his career as a missionary in Peru.
He also told the journalists they must act responsibly in using artificial intelligence in their work, asking them to "ensure that it can be used for the good of all, so that it can benefit all of humanity."
"Let us disarm communication of all prejudice and resentment, fanaticism and even hatred, let us free it from aggression."
Monday's meeting was Leo's first audience with a large group of people at the Vatican. Coming into the Vatican's large audience hall, he was greeted with applause from reporters.
The Pope spoke mainly in Italian, but opened with a joke in English about the clapping.
"Thank you for this wonderful reception," said Leo. "They say that when they clap at the beginning, it doesn't matter much. If you're still awake at the end and still want to applaud, thank you very much." 'Don't bring Sinner'
After his address, Leo walked off the stage to greet journalists in the audience and engaged in banter with a few of them.
The Pope indicated he would continue with Francis' plan to take a trip to Turkey this year to celebrate the 1700th anniversary of an early Church council, held in Nicaea, now the modern day town of Iznik.
But when an American reporter asked the Pope, born in Chicago, if he would be returning for a visit home soon, Leo responded: "I don't think so."
Leo showed signs that he was not yet used to the rhythms and practices of being Pope. At one point, he asked an aide if it was he or an usher who was supposed to give rosary beads to people after greeting them.
People meeting the pope are often given a small set of rosary beads blessed by the pontiff, usually distributed by a papal attendant.
One reporter also asked the Pope, who is a tennis player, if he would like to play against Andre Agassi.
Leo responded, "just don't bring Sinner," making a Catholic pun about the last name of Italian champion Jannik Sinner.

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

From Tobaccogate To Gendergate: Casey Costello's Pattern Of Ideology Over Evidence Continues
From Tobaccogate To Gendergate: Casey Costello's Pattern Of Ideology Over Evidence Continues

Scoop

time3 hours ago

  • Scoop

From Tobaccogate To Gendergate: Casey Costello's Pattern Of Ideology Over Evidence Continues

Wellington, New Zealand Rights Aotearoa (formerly Countering Hate Speech Aotearoa) today strongly condemned Associate Health Minister Casey Costello for issuing a discriminatory directive targeting trans and non-binary pregnant people without any evidence, consultation, or regard for human rights – the latest in a disturbing pattern of ideological decision-making. Official Information Act documents prove Minister Costello: Took ZERO advice before directing Health NZ to exclude trans and non-binary people from health communications. Conducted NO analysis of human rights implications under the Human Rights Act 1993 or the Bill of Rights Act 1990. Had NO evidence to support her claim about inclusive language confusing ESL speakers. She just lied about this point. Ignored established medical best practice to pursue an ideological agenda. "Casey Costello presented her personal prejudice as fact," said Paul Thistoll, CEO of Rights Aotearoa. "She claimed inclusive language confused people with English as a second language, yet sought no advice, consulted no one, and had zero evidence. This is governance by discrimination." The minister's directive forces Health NZ to erase pregnant trans men and non-binary people from existence in health communications – a clear breach of the Human Rights Act 1993. "First, there was tobaccogate; now it's gendergate. This isn't just about words; it's about trust and a pattern of behaviour," Thistoll continued. During the tobacco scandal, Costello: Ignored Treasury officials who told her "Philip Morris would be the biggest winner" from her $216 million tax cut. First denied that a tobacco policy document existed, then claimed not to know who wrote it or how it ended up in her office. Was reprimanded TWICE by the Chief Ombudsman for acting "contrary to law" in withholding information. Claimed to have "independent advice" supporting tobacco tax cuts, but refused to reveal its source. "When a Minister bypasses evidence, ignores expert advice, and has a history of transparency issues, it undermines public confidence," said Thistoll. "Whether it's handing $216 million to Big Tobacco or erasing trans people from healthcare, Casey Costello operates the same way: no evidence, no consultation, no transparency, no accountability." This directive will erase trans and non-binary pregnant people from health communications, potentially denying them vital care, despite research from Dr George Parker showing inclusive language benefits them without harming others. Rights Aotearoa demands Minister Costello: Immediately reverse this discriminatory and evidence-free directive Issue a public apology to the trans and non-binary community for the distress caused and for pursuing policy without due diligence Commit unequivocally to transparent, evidence-based policymaking, particularly in health If Minister Costello refuses to uphold her responsibilities and correct this harmful directive by July 1st, Rights Aotearoa will: Support pregnant trans and non-binary people to file formal complaints with the Human Rights Commission and pursue proceedings before the Human Rights Review Tribunal to seek a ruling that the directive unlawfully discriminates based on gender identity "Kiwis deserve healthcare based on facts and fairness, not a Minister's personal crusade," Thistoll declared. "Casey Costello has shown she will sacrifice public health and human rights for her personal ideology. From tobacco to trans rights, she operates without evidence, hides the truth, and puts vulnerable people at risk. This must stop." OIA response CCHOIA-447 from Hon Casey Costello's office (29 May 2025) confirms no consultation or advice was sought. The Human Rights Act 1993 prohibits discrimination on the grounds of sex, which includes gender identity, according to the Human Rights Commission, based on the Crown Law 2006 Opinion. Health NZ confirmed they had no policy requiring gender-inclusive language before the minister's intervention. Minister previously found to have acted unlawfully by Chief Ombudsman in tobacco policy matters.

Jacinda Ardern steps back into the global spotlight
Jacinda Ardern steps back into the global spotlight

The Spinoff

time6 hours ago

  • The Spinoff

Jacinda Ardern steps back into the global spotlight

As the former PM's memoir hits shelves, Penguin is hoping her enduring star power can turn A Different Kind of Power into a bestseller, writes Catherine McGregor in today's extract from The Bulletin. A different kind of memoir Jacinda Ardern's long-anticipated autobiography, A Different Kind of Power, is officially released today. Framed as a deeply personal account rather than a political exposé, the memoir chronicles Ardern's rise from small-town Morrinsville to global leadership – and her abrupt, self-authored exit from the world stage. The book's launch has been accompanied by a major international publicity push. Ardern has appeared on CBS's Sunday Morning show, sat down for a reflective interview with The Guardian, and featured on the mega-popular The Rest is Politics podcast. At home, she's been interviewed by Seven Sharp's Hilary Barry and the NZ Herald's Kim Knight, among others. The media blitz is not just about selling copies, but reinforcing Ardern's core message: that kindness, empathy and even self-doubt have a place in leadership. More personal warmth than political revelation Early reviews suggest that A Different Kind of Power offers plenty of feeling but not a lot of drama. Frances Stead Sellers of The Washington Post (paywalled) praises the memoir as a 'clear and compelling case for compassion' that suffers at times from 'its author's earnestness', while The Post's editor Tracy Watkins describes the book as emotionally resonant but light on backroom revelations – especially when it comes to a post-mortem on pandemic decision-making. 'If, like me, you're looking for fresh insights, or signs of regret over some of the decisions her government made, you may be disappointed,' Watkins writes. Newsroom's Steve Braunias, in the most deeply read and incisive review so far, is more generous. Like other reviewers, he comments on Ardern's sometimes cloying focus on empathy throughout the book – but also highlights a 'pitiless' nine-page section on a certain New Zealand politician. 'Ardern introduces him to an American public who had hitherto never heard of the vainglorious sap and parades him as the villain of A Different Kind of Power,' he writes. Today is probably a very bad day to be former Labour leader David Cunliffe. A big bet for Penguin Commercially, A Different Kind of Power is a major gamble. According to a fascinating story, again by Steve Braunias at Newsroom, Penguin is rumoured to have paid Ardern an advance of $1.5 million, meaning the book will need to sell at least 140,000 copies globally to break even. Publishing experts believe it's possible, particularly with Australian rights in play and a high-profile North American book tour scheduled. Braunias speaks to writer and book editor Paula Morris, who points out that the advance may also include Ardern's upcoming children's book, Mum's Busy Work, due out in September, which will make earning it back a far easier task. Comparisons are already being drawn to Spare by Prince Harry, which reportedly required 500,000 print sales to recover its costs. As with Harry, Ardern is a polarising figure, and that may well help drive both publicity and sales. (As an aside, Newsroom is the place to be for Ardern-book completists this week, with not one but three reviews scheduled, from Braunias, Janet Wilson and Tim Murphy.) Not the first Ardern book, and not the last word This isn't the first time Ardern's life has been turned into reading material. Jacinda Ardern: A New Kind of Leader by The Spinoff's own Madeleine Chapman was a bestseller, as was Michelle Duff's Jacinda Ardern: The Story Behind An Extraordinary Leader, which in 2019 inspired the bizarre #TurnArdern campaign. The Covid-era tome Jacinda Ardern: Leading with Empathy earned a withering review from Toby Manhire, who said that 'it was written by two authors trying hard to tell the story of a country without visiting it'. At the time, Ardern said it was 'awkward' to have her life story told via unauthorised biography – perhaps she was thinking about her own authorised version even then. Ardern's book won't be the last word, either. Her story has also been told in Prime Minister, a feature documentary about Ardern's time in office, co-directed by Michelle Walshe and Lindsey Utz. While no NZ release date has been confirmed, it will play in this year's NZ International Film Festival. Outside of the NZIFF programmers, few people here have yet seen the film, but a close reading of the trailer by The Spinoff's Alex Casey reveals mic drop, teary moments, and many obligatory Aotearoa-landscape drone shots.

Jacinda, the first review
Jacinda, the first review

Newsroom

time8 hours ago

  • Newsroom

Jacinda, the first review

Announcing the winner of the YA book awards. Much of Jacinda Ardern's new memoir reads like an experiment in Young Adult literature—the heartwarming story of a Mormon who lost her faith but held onto her values, and even now continues her lifelong mission of knocking on doors to spread the message that love and a left-wing vote conquers all. The door is America. A Different Kind of Power is written with the American market in mind—she informs readers that Whanganui is 'a town on the west coast of the North Island'—and aimed at a particular kind of young, liberal, educated American idiot eager to drink the Kool-Aid that Ardern goes around dispensing in her various meaningless roles in the US as an ambassador of kindness. Be vulnerable, she advises throughout A Different Kind of Power. Be sensitive. Above all, be kind. I remember the first time I heard her articulate this sort of thing when she tried it on at a rather dismal Labour Party event in the Grey Lynn RSA in about 2011. Labour were in opposition, lost and afraid; Ardern was a list MP, optimistic and possibly insane. 'I've been thinking about a politics based on love,' she said, and even the party faithful looked at her like she was mad. She was an artist ahead of her time. The world has caught up with her and many will likely regard her book as a panacea in America's dark second age of Trump, and our own gormless time of Luxon. Her messages on how we ought to conduct our lives in good conscience and with empathy are well-meaning, sincere, decent, boring, platitudinous, worthless, floating above the page like ice-cream castles in the air. 'To the criers, worriers and huggers,' she writes in her dedication. The tracks of her tears salt the pages of A Different Kind of Power. She remembers watching a romcom as a teenager, and was torn apart by 'big, ugly, heaving sobs'. She remembers Labour losing the 2014 election, and crying herself to sleep that night, racked with 'big, despairing sobs'. Tears, she learns, are her superpower. 'Sensitivity was my weakness, my tragic flaw,' she writes of her uncertainties in her early political career. But the lesson of A Different Kind of Power is to treasure your sadness. Do not harden up; soften up. Dog does not eat dog; trust that bad dogs will die howling in the gutter, which is the lesson of the book's one extraordinary detour into vengeance when she singles out the only person that she sticks it to in 333 pages, David Cunliffe. Alas poor Cunliffe! He was last seen in New Zealand public life brooding on his Log of Doom, in 2014, when he was photographed sitting on a washed-up log on Herne Bay beach the morning after he led Labour to its worst result since 1922. But now Ardern introduces him to an American public who had hitherto never heard of the vainglorious sap and parades him as the villain of A Different Kind of Power. In a pitiless nine-page section, Cunliffe is seen as a phoney ('It was hard not to be left wondering about his authenticity'), a weakling ('No one should build an office of people who simply agree with you'), not worth wasting her breath on ('That would mean dignifying his statement with a response'), dragging out his exit but finally leaving ('For the first time in a long while, I felt relieved'). They are among the best pages in the book. There are a lot of good pages in the book. It's a classy work of literature—it always helps when a memoirist can actually write, and Ardern tells the story of her personal life and political career with skill, wit, and seriousness, and with some particularly arresting passages told in second person: 'When you run for parliament, you wait to find out whether people will choose you, or first, whether your party will. But sometimes, deep down, you already know.' It's a radical departure from the junk of recent New Zealand political memoirs by such as Judith Collins and Steven Joyce, with their lousy prose, unexamined lives, and self-serving comms. Ardern rolls out self-serving comms, too, but she has a gift for bringing places alive, particularly the Murapara and Morrinsville of her childhood, and it's an intensely personal book. We learn of her mother's nervous breakdowns. We learn of her fertility treatments. We learn of her challenges as a parent. We learn of her falling in love and staying in love. Even more so than writing for an American audience, Ardern writes for women. You come to her book wanting to know about her life, especially her eventful six years (Covid, March 15) as Prime Minister. There never was a Prime Minister like her before and there never will be again; she was a disruptor, interrupting the same old political bullshit and since her departure the same old political bullshit has settled back into place. Perhaps she really only stood for a new kind of bullshit and heaven knows she had a genius for spin but the fact of the matter is that she ennobled the human spirit for a generation of voters. Ardern's book revisits the best and worst of her years as head of state. Her account of the mosque shooting is harrowing. A poor memoirist would present a familiar version. Ardern makes it new. There are small, powerful details, like sitting in a plastic chair in the Defence Force airport hangar in Christchurch after visiting the crisis centre. Labour MP Michael Wood gives her a polystyrene cup of tea. 'I'd been surrounded by so much grief. Now, on a plastic chair in the middle of an airport hangar, my own grief came flooding out.' And she reveals that she saw the shooter's 17-minute live stream of the attack. She opened Instagram and stumbled upon it. 'The video's presence in my feed had been so shocking, so viscerally horrible, I'd thrown my phone down onto the floor.' She keeps to her promise of not naming the shooter. She prefers to write of victims and survivors, heroes and sympathisers. Of course these are the saddest pages in the book. The happiest pages are about Neve, and the 'village' of family around her. The book opens with Ardern taking a pregnancy test while Winston Peters kept everyone guessing if he would form a government with either Labour or National in 2017: 'I was days away from learning if I would run the country, and now as I sat in a bathroom in Tawa, New Zealand, I was seconds away from learning if I would do it while having a baby.' Note the editorial geomarker of 'Tawa, New Zealand' for American readers. The book closes with walking Neve home from daycare and watching her daughter balance on the edge of 'the kerb'—the pavement nomenclature signalling she has resigned as Prime Minister, left New Zealand and moved to Boston. Neve informs her mum, 'But mum, we should never give up.' Ardern turns up the volume (swelling violins, a celestial harp) on these last pages of her YA epic, and writes, 'I could have told her I started a fellowship in empathetic leadership so I could keep working with other people who were in politics, but wanted to do it differently.' Instead, she smiles at her daughter, and chirps, 'You're right, Neve. We should never give up.' Readers will try not to throw up. And then there are the chapters on Covid. Again, she pulls readers close, shows us her own bubble, the silent 10 floors of the Beehive in lockdown Level 4, the sense of fear: 'I felt as if I were taking New Zealand into battle. Maybe I was.' She was. It ends with the Battle of Parliament Lawn. Ardern watches the Occupation from her window and realises something has changed, changed utterly. It's crystallised in a brief encounter in the ladies bathroom at Auckland airport. 'I was standing at the basin, washing my hands, when a woman walked in. She was maybe 50 or so, wearing a bright blue stretch top and large and plentiful jewellery.' And then: 'She moved purposely towards me.' And then: 'She stood next to me at the sink and leaned in closely, so close I could feel her heat against my cheek. I learned away slightly, my hands still under the tap. 'I just wanted to say thank you,' she said. There was a beat before she added, 'Thanks for ruining the country.' Then she turned on heels and disappeared into a bathroom stall.' Showdown at the Koru Club lavatories! Shaken, possibly to this day, Ardern reflects, 'What was happening? Whatever it was, it wasn't contained to New Zealand. Something had been loosened worldwide.' A terrible stupidity had been born. The book ends nine pages later. Ardern steps down as PM, heads for Boston's kerbs. Who was that old bag slash rebel saviour who so unsettled her at sinkside? It would be good to know. She helped change the course of history. Come forward, rattling your 'large and plentiful jewellery', and make yourself known! Equally, who is the unnamed National MP who Ardern describes as attacking her in parliament? 'She looked gleeful. She was an incredibly smart woman—self-assured and well respected by all sides. She wore tailored suits and sounded as if she were private school educated. But here she was, hair bobbing back and forth with a flushed face, pointing her finger in my direction…' Ardern is not big on names. She can't even be bothered naming Judith Collins when Ardern writes of slaughtering her at the polls in 2020. Only three journalists are mentioned by name: Barry Soper, disparagingly as you might expect, and Jesse Mulligan and John Campbell, glowingly as you would entirely predict. I make a cameo entrance, sadly unnamed, giving her a sound thrashing at ping-pong. She writes of her 2017 election campaign, 'I shook thousands of hands, gave even more hugs…I gave interviews, often many a day. I answered questions while I was still in my bathrobe, and in the back of cars, and on the emptied stages of community halls, and once while playing ping-pong as a camera clicked nearby. My opponent in that match, a journalist for the New Zealand Herald, also decided to test me about my visit to a Pink Batts insulation factory a month earlier. 'What is Pink Batts made from?' he asked. 'Fibre and recycled glass,' I responded. 'What kind of glass?' 'Offcuts from window glass.' 'And what temperature is the molten glass when it's heated?' I paused. 'Twelve hundred degrees.' He corrected me then: the answer was thirteen hundred. A campaign was a constant test…' I conducted a series of interviews while playing ping-pong with political leaders. Phil Goff was the best player, crushing me into the dust. David Seymour was the worst, flapping his arms like a goose. I enjoyed all of the games but the most enjoyable opponent was Ardern. I always liked her company; she held her whiskey like a good 'un, laughed at herself, was very funny. She kind of makes the same self-effacing joke twice in A Different Kind of Power but both times I laughed out loud. She describes her very first candidate meeting, in Matamata, when her mum and grandma were in the audience. 'My grandmother was not a Labour supporter, not at all. But as I answered the question about climate change, at least she wasn't booing me, like the other attendees. I kept my eyes on her for one more beat. At least I don't think my grandmother was booing me.' Later, she writes about her romantic life, when she lived in London: 'There had a been steady stream of bad dates, like the lovely journalist who decided to move to Africa–or at least I think he moved to Africa…' She is similarly disarming about all her relationships. 'For years my love life, if you could call it that, had been beset by both humiliation and constant failure. At university, I mostly dated Mormons. In London, I'd had two boyfriends who split up with me because of my career….Since entering parliament, the longest relationship I'd had in was three months.' And then she met Clarke Gayford. They were first introduced at the Metro restaurant of the year awards (she went 'with my friend Colin', curiously shaving off the surname of model Colin Mathura-Jeffree). They later have a coffee in Three Lamps (for American readers, a street corner in the Auckland suburb of Ponsonby). Then they go out to sea on his boat….It's very sweet, very romantic, and she writes straight from the heart, although sometimes with strange metaphors: falling in love, she writes, 'was a bit like running for parliament the first time'. There is someone else who she gives her heart to: Grant Robertson. It's a book of friendship. It's an entertaining story. Weird little Mormon kid becomes world figure. Such was her manifest destiny ('Sometimes, deep down, you already know'); as the youngest daughter of the town cop, she got around on a green Raleigh bike, and was moved to tears when she heard the evangelical call to arms of Cat Stevens' song 'Peace Train'. She was seldom naughty; the worst thing she can remember of her misbehaviour is the confession, 'I called my sister a cow a few too many times.' As an adult, the only job she had before becoming an MP was in politics. She volunteered for Labour's New Plymouth candidate Harry Duynhoven in the 1999 election, and writes, 'I paid attention to everything, every detail of the campaign.' I can well believe it. Ardern never does things by halves, or even by wholes; a theme of A Different Kind of Power is that she goes the extra distance, rabbits on, bangs the empathy drum through the streets of her book, all hear-ye hear-ye, a town crier literally crying her head off at the sorrows of the world but determined to face its evils with a sopping handkerchief and a set of wet slogans. It's a very Jacinda Ardern book, as in true to her idea of herself. It works. This is going to sell by the shipload and it may even help to make the world a better place. Everyone jump up on the peace train. A Different Kind of Power: A Memoir by Jacinda Ardern (Penguin, $59.99) is available in every bookstore across the land. ReadingRoom is devoting all week to coverage of the book. Tomorrow: a review by Janet Wilson.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store