Restrictions for non-scheduled flights at Delhi airport on Aug 15
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Non-scheduled flights will not be permitted to land at or take off from the Delhi airport during specified hours on August 15.An official on Wednesday said the restrictions will be in place from 6 am to 10 am and from 4 pm to 7 pm on Independence Day.The curbs will be applicable for non-scheduled flights of scheduled airlines as well as chartered flights.There will be no impact on scheduled flight operations, the official added.A NOTAM (Notice to Airmen) has been issued by the Aeronautical Information Services (AIS) that comes under the Airports Authority of India (AAI).Generally, NOTAM is a notice containing information that is essential for personnel involved in flight operations.While no landing or take-off will be permitted for non-scheduled flights during the specified periods, there will be no impact of the NOTAM on scheduled flights as well as the aircraft operated by IAF, BSF and Army aviation helicopters.Also, state-owned aircraft and helicopters flying the Governor or Chief Minister, as well as flights undertaking quick response time missions and casualty/immediate medical evacuation are exempted from the restrictions, according to the official.The Indira Gandhi International Airport (IGIA) in the national capital is the country's busiest airport and handles around 1,300 flight movements daily.
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John Maynard Keynes argued in his lecture, later published as National Self-Sufficiency, that while ideas and knowledge should remain international, nations should retain the ability to produce essential goods domestically so they are not hostage to 'intolerable interference." The Yale Review publication confirms the essay's 1933 provenance, though the argument dates to 1931, and it reads today like a blueprint for strategic insulation without autarky. The speech also fused security, technology, and industry. Operation Sindoor underscored the value of indigenous systems, and the Sudarshan Chakra Mission seeks a domestic, precise, upgradeable defensive shield that covers both strategic and civilian assets. This mirrors a broader global pattern in which defence procurement becomes a demand anchor for dual-use innovation. 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Government factsheets and contemporary reporting show a pipeline of plants and an ambition to bring first chips to market on an aggressive timeline. To translate this into lasting capability, policy must add three hard instruments. First, long-dated offtake aggregation that stitches together government, defence, automotive, and electronics demand so fabs and advanced packaging units can plan capacity with confidence. Second, a design-to-tape-out fund tied to foundry access, which is where many emerging economies stumble. Third, input-side reliability through dedicated power, process gases, ultrapure water, and logistics SLAs. Otherwise, the valley between project announcement and economically viable volume can widen in ways that policy cannot bridge. Critical minerals and energy are the other pillars of insulation. The EU's regulations codify targets for domestic extraction, processing, and recycling, and cap dependence on any single supplier. This is a practical model for India as it builds its own overseas equity stakes, domestic refining, and recycling ecosystems. On energy, India's nuclear capacity remains modest, though government statements and technical cooperation point to ambitions as high as 100 GW by 2047. Whether the final number is 40, 60, or 100 GW, the policy rationale is clear. Baseload low-carbon power stabilises an electrifying economy and hedges intermittency as green hydrogen and storage scale. The global reactor pipeline also indicates a shift toward advanced and small modular designs that can serve industrial heat and grid needs. If India treats nuclear as the reliability backbone and green hydrogen as a feedstock strategy for steel and fertilisers, then the energy transition becomes a competitiveness play rather than a cost shock. The academic frame that best explains the global moment is 'weaponised interdependence." States that sit at key network nodes in finance, information, and critical inputs can gather data and exclude rivals. This is not a metaphor. It is how sanctions regimes function and how export controls bite. The corollary for India is straightforward. Reduce single-point dependencies, climb the value chain in networked industries, and design institutions that can absorb shocks without policy whiplash. The Prime Minister's speech moved the discourse toward this practical understanding. Autonomy is not isolation, and it is not a slogan. It is a measurable state of preparedness in which laws, contracts, logistics, technology, and power systems collectively neutralise coercion and preserve policy space. A radical but realistic prescription follows. Use a competitiveness compact with states and publish quarterly dashboards on logistics SLAs, power reliability for industry feeders, and commercial court timelines. Link central transfers and incentive pools to these targets so reform has political economy traction. In parallel, treat defence and public procurement as capability markets. Announce rolling ten-year order books in a handful of systems, shift evaluation to multi-criteria decision analysis, and award assured production runs to private prototypes that clear trials. For semiconductors and AI, create a national compute and tooling grid that allocates capacity on a pay-per-use basis to startups and design shops, while adopting open and secure model policies that minimise lock-in. For minerals, combine overseas equity stakes with domestic recycling and processing so mined molecules become materials, not exports. Finally, keep reform continuous. The literature on productivism and modern industrial policy is clear that interventions work best when the state and firms co-produce solutions, when targets evolve, and when failures are corrected early rather than protected. top videos View all The international comparisons should reassure rather than alarm. The United States is subsidising fabrication and research while debating cost-effectiveness. The European Union is engineering resilience in digital and raw materials. China's rise was not mysterious. It created levers of state capacity in minerals, standards, and dual-use technology, and it financed them over horizons longer than political cycles. India's task is to design its own levers that fit its democracy and federal structure. If reform becomes the method for creating those levers, then aatmanirbharta will cease to be a rhetorical device and will become the institutional foundation of strategic autonomy. Aditya Sinha (X: @adityasinha004) writes on macroeconomic and geopolitical issues. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views. Click here to add News18 as your preferred news source on Google. tags : Aatma Nirbhar Bharat independence day pm narendra modi view comments Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: August 18, 2025, 14:37 IST News opinion Opinion | PM Modi's Independence Day Speech And The Quest For Strategic Autonomy Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
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