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How much exposure to US stocks is too much?

How much exposure to US stocks is too much?

Irish Times04-05-2025

Professional investors are slowly waking up to the realisation that, quite by accident, they have become enormously overexposed to the US, and they're not sure of the way back.
For as long as anyone who manages money for a living has been in this game, US stocks have been a natural destination for foreign investors, whereas loading up on the UK, Europe, Japan or emerging markets has always been perceived as a bolder call.
'When you didn't know where else to go, the US was the choice,' as Fabiana Fedeli, chief investment officer for equities at M&G Investments put it. 'In the past, no one would lose their job for over-allocating to the US.'
For reasons almost too obvious to get in to, those days are over. Other countries have, over the years, conducted unorthodox experiments in the rule of law and monetary policy (Turkey) or trade and fiscal policy (UK), with damaging market consequences.
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But this time around, the US is playing fast and loose, and it unfortunately occupies a much larger slice of the average institutional investor's portfolio.
As a result, the key conversation in asset management now is around the new 'neutral' level. What is it? How much US exposure is too much?
The starting point is not great for those now worried about US political risk. Major global stocks indices for developed markets, which lots of investors either use as a benchmark or track directly using passive instruments, bung around 70 per cent of your money in to the US in line with the size of the underlying companies.
Ironically, over the years, European investors have been particularly enthusiastic adherents to the American exceptionalism theme.
That's fine as long as the US is stable, predictable, and spewing out superior returns, which it has done for years. It is less fine when the engine of those superior returns — the tech sector — is arguably the biggest long-term beneficiary of the globalisation that the country's president is now working hard to dismantle. Competitors overseas are making some progress at catching up. Policy dysfunction and institutional erosion in the US are the icing on the cake.
Ironically, over the years, European investors have been particularly enthusiastic adherents to the American exceptionalism theme.
Perhaps their proximity to stultifying European regulation has pushed them to the go-getting shores across the Atlantic. 'If you have been beaten up 10 times [on Europe] you are not going to think it's light at the end of the tunnel,' said Kokou Agbo Bloua, head of economics, cross-asset and quant research at Société Générale. 'You are going to think it's a train.'
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Now, though, the mood has shifted, particularly in fact since last summer's short, sharp markets wobble that highlighted concentrated US exposure. The French bank is sketching out what it's calling the 'Great Rotation' out of US assets, and how it might pan out in the coming years.
The early stages of this are happening already, and as Deutsche Bank's George Saravelos puts it, it's 'not pretty' for the US. 'The flow evidence so far points to an, at best, very rapid slowing in US capital inflows and, at worst, continued active disinvestment from US assets,' he said in a note this week. Foreign investors are on a 'buyers' strike', he said, looking at flows in exchange traded funds.
So far, this is just the tip of the iceberg. But if 70 per cent is too much to park in the US, what is the right number?
Big institutional investors are not flinty fast-moving hedge funds or retail funds.
Fedeli at M&G Investments says her clients in Europe and Asia are actively asking that very question, not in terms of whether they should reallocate, but how. US investors are much more 'domestically focused', she added. And in my experience, endlessly optimistic Americans generally argue that normal service in markets will resume shortly — I'm not convinced.
In theory, a better alignment to different countries' contribution to global GDP could make sense. 'To me that's the end point,' Fedeli said. But that would involve cramming the US down to a 25 per cent allocation, maybe 30 if you strip back some of the Chinese slice to account for that market's poor accessibility.
'It's unlikely to go to 30 per cent in my lifetime,' she said. I did not ask her age, and of course neither should you, but my grandma turned 102 this week and she's in fine fettle, so it's possible it will happen in my lifetime. But we digress.
The right US slice might settle around 55 per cent, as SocGen calculates that is around the share of global earnings that comes from the country — it really does punch above its weight. Maybe a little more, to account for the superior depth and liquidity of the US market.
Such a shift would not happen overnight, and no one expects it to come from a huge sell-off of US assets. As new money comes in to be invested, though, the rest of the world is likely to grab a much bigger slice.
Big institutional investors are not flinty fast-moving hedge funds or retail funds. They are vast supertankers that move slowly, and methodically, but make big waves.
Tilting their balance towards Europe and Asia and away from more familiar ground in the US, even just a little, marks a huge re-engineering of global markets. For many, the US has become a riskier bet. - Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2025

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Instead, the US President enthusiastically backed a call by Vladimir Putin to start talks in Istanbul the following week (with no commitment to a ceasefire). Mr Putin refused to attend the talks, which were conducted by a low-level Russian delegation, and has since intensified air attacks while continuing to insist on his maximalist war aims. Moscow appears convinced that military gains and the demoralisation of the Ukrainian population are a better bet than ceasefires. "The aim of the [18th sanctions] package is to increase pressure on Russia and to make it agree to negotiate with sincere intentions," says Svitlana Taran, an analyst with the European Policy Centre (EPC). "At the moment Russia is engaging in negotiations, but without any real intention to actually negotiate. Russia still thinks that it can win. Moscow is confident they still have more potential to sustain a war of attrition against Ukraine than Ukraine does." In the absence of tougher action from the White House, US senators Lindsey Graham and Richard Blumenthal are currently pushing a bill through the Senate which would - if approved by President Trump - allow for tariffs of 500% on countries which are continuing to buy Russian crude oil, gas, uranium and other exports. The bill currently has 82 sponsors on both sides of the aisle with Graham - regarded as a weathervane on Republican sentiment towards Ukraine - and Blumenthal hopeful it can be adopted before the 4 July recess. Supporters of the bill complain that Mr Putin has been stringing the US president along and has no incentive to get to the negotiating table in the absence of tougher measures. 'Making astronomically high tariffs the center of US policy toward Russia's war is misguided' But the Sanctioning Russia Act (SRA2025) is not without its critics. President Trump would have to determine every 90 days that Mr Putin is refusing to negotiate a peace agreement at which point sanctions would be mandatory. These would be on President Putin himself, on Russian oligarchs and on banks and other financial institutions. But the most eye-catching element is the 500% tariffs on countries buying Russian crude oil. Since China is among the biggest purchasers, this would upend the current negotiations between Washington and Beijing on averting a damaging trade war. "Making astronomically high tariffs the center of US policy toward Russia's war is misguided: a threat that will never be carried out lacks real coercive power," argues Stephen Sestanovich of the Council on Foreign Relations. "And a bill that stops all trade with the United States' most important commercial partners is precisely that kind of threat." The authors of the bill insist it is designed precisely to focus minds and to convince Mr Putin that he cannot maintain his war effort for another two or three years. "Russia is in a very perilous state already economically, because 40 percent of its economy is devoted to war production or compensation for soldiers," Senator Blumenthal said during a recent visit to Kyiv. "It's only real source of revenue is oil and gas and other similar energy products, of which 70 percent is sold to India and China together." While Lindsey Graham stresses he has worked closely with the White House in formulating the bill, President Trump has been urging him to water down key aspects and has made his distaste for some of the elements clear. EU officials, while supportive of the need for tougher US pressure on Moscow, are aware of this. "I'm not convinced that the bill will be what gets adopted, even if Trump decides to put sanctions on Putin," says a senior EU source. "These bills in the Senate are notoriously aspirational until the White House gets at them and says: this is what's actually realistic. [Senator] Graham won't do anything without Trump's approval." Russian economy 'clearly heading toward zero growth' Yet, there is a growing body of opinion that this is precisely the time to hit the Russian economy. On paper, Moscow has weathered the sanctions well since 2022. While the economy contracted by 2.1% in 2022, there was economic growth in the following two years as Russia switched to a military economy, deepened trade links with China and India, availed of windfall fossil fuel profits and used its accumulated reserves as a buffer against the sharp decline in exports. This allowed Mr Putin to pour huge resources into military spending. Between 2011 and 2021 the defense budget averaged $53 billion per year. In 2022 it rose to $79 billion and $94 billion in 2023. Last year, defence spending soared to $140 billion, while this year it will eat up 32.2% of the federal budget. Such spending has allowed the Kremlin to mute popular unease about the war by boosting military salaries and social benefits, while buying off business elites. Pouring money into the military industrial complex has generated its own economic growth. However, there are strong indications that this formula is running out of road. Up to a million able-bodied Russians are thought to have left the country either in protest or to avoid being drafted, and while up to half have returned the civilian economy is deemed dangerously starved of labour. That has forced companies to boost salaries so they can compete with military pay, which in turn has fueled inflation. To cut inflation from its current rate of 10.2%, the Russian central bank has raised interest rates to over 20%. In March, President Putin called on his government not to strangle growth in its fight against inflation, while Alexander Shokhin, president of the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs, warned Russia was "clearly heading…toward zero growth." A report this week by the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CISS) concludes that Russia has reached the limit of massive state spending on the military sector, with the side-effects of prolonged sanctions, soaring inflation and interest rates starting to bite. "Russia's current account remains the country's most glaring economic vulnerability," the report says. "A dramatic drop in export revenues, a surge in capital flight, or a further increase in the country's import costs, if timed fortuitously, could push Russia in the direction of a balance of payments crisis." 'Good-cop-bad-cop' tactics The growing frustration in Washington at the Kremlin's unrelenting assault on civilians appears to have prompted a change in heart. While the Biden administration steered clear of tough sanctions against Russia's energy sector until the very end of his tenure, and those countries filling Mr Putin's war coffers by buying its crude oil paid no penalty, there is today a change in mood. It is true that European countries which continue to rely on Russian oil could be caught up in the US tariffs. Lindsey Graham insists there will be exemptions for countries that have supported Ukraine's defence. A much tougher bipartisan response from Congress could provide President Trump with a 'good-cop-bad-cop' tactic to be used on Mr Putin, notwithstanding his tendency to cut the Russian president a very generous amount of slack. Brussels would prefer to act in tandem with Washington. However, observers point to Europe's complete oil embargo on Iran in 2009, and how it pushed the country to negotiate the 2015 nuclear deal, as an argument for going it alone. "Just as the EU oil embargo on Iran helped spur action in Washington a decade and a half ago, major new EU sanctions on Russia could do the same today," writes Edward Fishman, a former Obama administration official in Foreign Affairs. "Instead of waiting around for Mr Trump, Brussels should advance new penalties on Russia's energy sector. Even unilateral EU measures would tighten the screws on Moscow - and could prompt Washington to follow suit."

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