
Trump says he would meet Putin even if Russian leader won't meet Zelensky
His comments followed Mr Putin's remarks earlier on Thursday that he hoped to meet the US president next week, possibly in the United Arab Emirates, but the White House was still working through the details of any potential meetings, press secretary Karoline Leavitt said.
Mr Putin's announcement came on the eve of a White House deadline for Moscow to show progress towards ending the three-year war in Ukraine or suffer additional economic sanctions.
Asked on Thursday if his deadline for Friday would hold, Mr Trump said of Mr Putin: 'It's going to be up to him. We're going to see what he has to say. It's going to be up to him. Very disappointed.'
He also touched on killings that have continued on both sides and added, 'I don't like long waits. I think it's a shame.'
A White House official told the Associated Press on Thursday morning that a US-Russian summit would not happen if Mr Putin did not agree to meet Mr Zelensky, but the official later said it only made it less likely.
Speaking of possible direct talks with Mr Zelensky, the Russian president said he has mentioned several times that he was not against it, adding: 'It's a possibility, but certain conditions need to be created.'
The Kremlin has previously said Mr Putin and Mr Zelensky should meet only when an agreement negotiated by their delegations is close.
Ukraine fears being sidelined by direct negotiations between Washington and Moscow, and Mr Zelensky said he had phone conversations with several European leaders on Thursday amid a flurry of diplomatic activity. European countries have pledged to back Ukraine for as long as it takes to defeat Russia's invasion.
Mr Putin's foreign affairs adviser, Yuri Ushakov, earlier brushed aside the possibility of Mr Zelensky joining the summit, something the White House said Mr Trump was ready to consider. Mr Putin has spurned Mr Zelensky's previous offers of a meeting to clinch a breakthrough.
Asked who initiated the possible talks with the US president, Mr Putin said that did not matter and 'both sides expressed an interest'.
A meeting would be the first US-Russia summit since 2021, when Joe Biden met Mr Putin in Geneva. It would be a significant milestone towards Mr Trump's effort to end the war, although there is no guarantee it would stop the fighting since Moscow and Kyiv remain far apart on their conditions for peace.
Months of US-led efforts have yielded no progress on stopping Russia's invasion of its neighbour. The war has killed tens of thousands of troops on both sides and more than 12,000 Ukrainian civilians, according to the United Nations.
Western officials have repeatedly accused Mr Putin of stalling in peace negotiations to allow Russian forces time to capture more Ukrainian land. He has previously offered no concessions and said he will accept a settlement only on his terms.
Mr Zelensky said European countries must also be involved in finding a solution to the war on their own continent.
'Ukraine is not afraid of meetings and expects the same bold approach from the Russian side. It is time to end the war,' he added.
A ceasefire and long-term security guarantees are priorities in potential negotiation with Russia, he said on social media.
He noted that Russian strikes on civilians have not eased despite Mr Trump publicly urging Mr Putin to relent.
A Russian attack on Wednesday in the central Dnipro region killed four people and wounded eight others, he said.
A new Gallup poll published on Thursday found that Ukrainians are increasingly eager for a peace settlement. In the survey, conducted in early July, about seven in 10 Ukrainians said their country should seek to negotiate a settlement as soon as possible.
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Telegraph
14 minutes ago
- Telegraph
The historical echoes of Trump's Alaska summit
The last time an American president sat down with a Russian autocrat to carve up parts of Europe was 80 years ago in Potsdam. Then, Harry Truman and Joseph Stalin drew up the new post-war boundaries, which effectively let the Soviets retain influence over the great swathes of Eastern Europe conquered by the Red Army. Britain was represented, firstly by Churchill and then by Clement Attlee after Labour's 1945 election win. But no one attended from the countries whose fate was being decided. Something similar is about to unfold in Alaska this week. Donald Trump is to meet Vladimir Putin to decide the fate of Ukraine between them. The White House hinted at the weekend that Volodomyr Zelensky may be invited as well, but this is not confirmed. Nor is it certain that the Russian leader would turn up if he is. Mr Trump has been determined since assuming the presidency to end the conflict but seems to take the view that to do so it is Ukraine that will have to give way. He has already stated that any deal would involve 'territory swaps', which presumably involves ceding land occupied by Russia since 2014 and expanded since the invasion. But President Zelensky simply cannot accept that, not after the sacrifices his country has made trying to recapture the territory and stop further Russian advances. It is hard to understand what President Trump is trying to achieve beyond the optics of being seen to broker some sort of ceasefire, however one-sided. Only last week he was threatening secondary sanctions against countries like India buying up cheap Russian oil. Now he is preparing to reward the aggressor with a meeting on US soil. The Russian leader must be as delighted with the outcome as Stalin was 80 years ago.


Daily Mail
14 minutes ago
- Daily Mail
Trump and Putin's Alaskan summit looks like an old-fashioned territorial carve-up by great powers that rewards the strong and punishes the weak: PATRICK BISHOP
Donald Trump 's pretentions to be a world statesman whose name will resound down the ages is about to be brutally tested. On Friday he will sit down in Alaska with his exasperating frenemy Vladimir Putin for what has the potential to be one of the most significant leader-to-leader summits of recent history, up there with Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev's Geneva lakeside love-in 40 years ago which presaged the end of the Cold War. The meeting should give the clearest indication thus far of whether there is any realistic possibility of a negotiated settlement of the war in Ukraine any time soon. Also at stake are the reputations and ambitions of both men. Trump will want to prove that there is real weight to his claims to be a genius peacemaker whose wheeler-dealing approach to global politics succeeds where conventional diplomacy has failed. He is up against a negotiating partner who will be using all of his KGB-honed wiles to feign sincere desire for a settlement while conceding nothing that could undermine his bucket-list determination to restore at least some of Russia 's historic frontiers before he passes from the scene. Until now, relations between the two have defied easy analysis. Trump's feelings for 'Vladimir' see-saw between queasy expressions of affection to anger when he thinks he is being jerked around. Putin, meanwhile, has proved a master at stringing him along with flattery and flannel. On Friday their personal chemistry will interact in laboratory conditions. Whether the result is a breakthrough or a bodge-up, it will have profound implications for both men, as well as for Ukraine and the rest of the world. To a crucial extent, the result will depend on the personal motivations of the participants rather than considerations of national interest. Questions of international law, let alone morality, will play little or no part. Both men are obsessed with legacy. Putin is a nostalgic imperialist who wants to be remembered as the man who made Russia great again. He sincerely believes that the eastern provinces of Ukraine can only ever be Russian – a credo that recently revealed German foreign ministry files shows dates back to at least the early 1990s. Winning de facto recognition of Russian ownership of recent conquests, as well as Crimea, will be a minimum condition of any agreement. Trump's chief concern is himself. Having accumulated great wealth and enormous power, he now craves secular sainthood in the form of a Nobel Peace Prize. He is intensely irritated by the fact that the man he replaced in the White House in 2017 was awarded one within a year of becoming president, complaining last year: 'If I were named Obama I would have had [it] given to me in ten seconds.' Settling the Ukraine war – which he notoriously claimed on more than 50 occasions he would achieve within 24 hours of taking office – seemed a sure route to Nobel glory. When the reality proved more intractable he seemed to lose interest in Ukraine and in the spring seemed likely to walk away from the imbroglio. Success in bringing a swift end to the Israel-Iran clash in June has revived his hopes of taking his rightful place alongside Nobel laureates such as Mother Teresa and Nelson Mandela. Trump has been taking credit for 'solving' other conflicts involving India and Pakistan, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda, Cambodia and Thailand and also Armenia and Azerbaijan. Having shown no interest in these places before, this appears to be an exercise in burnishing his peacemaker credentials for the benefit of the five Norwegian worthies who make up the prize committee. Hunger for the accolade rather than any positive developments on the diplomatic front seem to be the main driver behind Trump's pursuit of a summit. Leaks from the recent meeting between Trump's special envoy Steve Witkoff and Putin suggest there has been no significant weakening of Russia's hardline positions. Moscow will insist on maintaining control of most of the territory seized in eastern Ukraine and could even demand that Kyiv hand over parts of Donetsk province that it has yet to capture. It will also be seeking a ban on Ukrainian membership of Nato and crippling restrictions on the future size of Ukraine's military, as well as a halt to Western weapons supplies. The noises coming from Washington suggest that none of this is off the table and that at least some of Russia's key demands are likely to be endorsed. On Friday, Trump blithely predicted that there 'will be some swapping of territories' in order for Moscow and Kyiv to reach an agreement, provoking strong protests from Ukraine's President Zelensky. But Ukraine's voice will count for little – Zelensky has not so far been invited to the talks – and nor will that of Britain, France and Germany, who have been reduced to anguished invocations of the sanctity of international borders. Inexplicably, Trump continues to treat Putin as an equal when in reality the US massively overmatches Russia in power and wealth. He has always had the ability to impose real pain on Moscow that would force Putin to sit down to proper negotiations. Despite some harsh words, threats of sanctions, Armageddon and military posturing – like recently sending nuclear submarines closer to Russia – there is no sign that he is about to do that now. Putin has little reason to give ground. Russian forces are slowly but steadily advancing on the battlefield, apparently capable of absorbing losses that would impress a First World War general. In prospect in Alaska is an old-fashioned, big-power territorial carve-up that rewards the strong and punishes the weak. Confronted by a Trump-Putin tag team agreed on the ingredients for a settlement, Zelensky would face a dreadful dilemma and whatever choice he made would hand a huge win to his enemies. Whether or not the deal involves ceding sovereignty of captured territory, officially accepting its at least temporary loss will give Putin a solid lodgement from which to pursue his aggression and usher in a future of perpetual insecurity for Ukraine. But if Zelensky rejects the offer, Trump's wrath is guaranteed and Kyiv is potentially left to fight on, supported only by a Europe that is in no position to fill the gap left by America's departure. Such an outcome would be more than a heavy blow to Ukraine. It would be a dark portent for all our futures. If Putin emerges from Friday's meeting with a deal he feels comfortable with, it will mark the start of a new age in which might is always right and tyrannical aggression goes unpunished. And Alaska 2025 will not be remembered alongside Geneva 1985. Instead, it will go down in history as another Munich 1938.


The Independent
2 hours ago
- The Independent
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