Indonesia court sentences 2 men to 80 lashes each for what it decided was gay sex
The trial at the Islamic Shariah District Court in Banda Aceh, the provincial capital, was held behind closed doors. Judges have the authority to limit public access to a trial if the case relates to adultery and open it only for the verdict.
The couple, aged 20 and 21, were arrested in April after residents saw them entering the same bathroom at Taman Sari city park in Banda Aceh and reported it to Sharia police, who were patrolling the area. The police broke into the toilet and caught the men kissing and hugging each other, which the court considered to be a sexual act.
Aceh is considered more devout than other areas of Muslim-majority Indonesia and is the only province allowed to observe a version of Islamic Shariah law.
Monday's verdict was the fifth time that Aceh has sentenced people to public caning for homosexuality since the Islamic law was implemented in 2015 as a concession made by the government to end a long-running separatist rebellion.
Indonesia's national criminal code doesn't regulate homosexuality, and the central government doesn't have the power to strike down Shariah law in Aceh.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
16 hours ago
- Yahoo
Role of Indonesian military in counter-terrorism under Prabowo administration
In March 2025, Indonesia's parliament amended the country's military law to allow military personnel to hold more civilian posts. The move was criticised by rights groups, who feared it could once again reaffirm military impunity, reminiscent of former President Suharto's New Order era when the military permeated national politics and many spheres of domestic affairs. After Suharto's fall in May 1998, largely for political rather than operational-security reasons, the Indonesian military (Tentara Nasional Indonesia – TNI) was denied a role in counter-terrorism, as reflected in the 2004 Military Law. This stemmed from widespread backlash against the military's abuse of power at the time and the belief that in a democratising Indonesia, counter-terrorism should be the domain of the police, while the military focused on external security. Government officials now argue that the 2004 law is outdated and ill-suited to the country's present-day challenges. These include tackling a complex security environment in which competing cost pressures on law enforcement and other government agencies mean the military could play a larger role in assisting the police to protect the country from terrorism. Indonesian military's residual counter-terrorism role In recent years, the military has already played a part in domestic security affairs. This began with the establishment of the National Anti-Terrorism Agency (Badan Nasional Penanggulangan Terorisme – BNPT) in September 2010, which formally brought the military into a counter-terrorism role. In September 2013, the military and BNPT signed a Memorandum of Understanding, allowing the former to gather information on terrorist activities domestically. Following an agreement in March 2015, the police began training young military personnel in counter-terrorism. On June 9, the military's Joint Special Operations Command (Koopsusgab) was formally launched, extending the military's reach into a field that had been the police's preserve since 2002. Police-dominated counter-terrorism Since the October 2002 Bali bombings, counter-terrorism has largely been the responsibility of the police. Indonesia established various police-led counter-terrorism agencies such as Densus 88 and the BNPT to deal with terrorist threats. The police have largely succeeded in containing terrorism and dismantling networks, killing more than 200 terrorists and detaining over 1,500. Pressure for larger military role in counter-terrorism Although post-Suharto political conditions relegated the military's role in domestic security, pressures have grown for the TNI to take on a larger counter-terrorism role. First, some observers argue that police operations have not always been effective. The ability of terrorists such as Abu Dujana to return to Indonesia undetected from the Philippines, and the killing of nearly 40 police personnel by terrorists by 2015, highlighted gaps in police capabilities. Despite Densus 88's significant successes, its operational tactics have also become increasingly controversial, with criticism that it was more inclined to kill terrorists than capture them. Second, as Indonesian terrorists are largely home-grown and target domestic objectives – the so-called 'near enemy' – some argue the military is well-placed to assist the police. This is due to its territorial presence throughout the country, down to the village-level command or Babinsa (village sergeants), which provide invaluable local intelligence. Finally, the military is well-resourced to support the police in counter-terrorism. In addition to its historical experience, it has highly trained Special Forces that can be deployed to neutralise armed terrorists. Recent counter-terrorism operations involving the military The TNI has recently featured in counter-terrorism operations. The first notable example is Operation Madago Raya, previously known as Operation Tinombala. Launched in 2016, it was a joint military-police operation to neutralise members of the East Indonesia Mujahideen (MIT) terrorist group in Poso, Sulawesi. The operation was successful, with all known members of the group killed. In West Papua province, the military has taken a proactive role since 2019 in countering insurgents linked to the Free Papua Movement (OPM), which was designated a terrorist group in 2021. As Indonesia's population grows, with new provinces formed amid emerging security challenges, the TNI has also expanded its territorial command. Plans are in place to add 22 new regional military commands (Kodam), up from the current 15. This expansion is driven by factors such as the ongoing separatist challenge in Papua, tensions in the South China Sea involving the Indonesian Natuna Islands, and the persistent threat of extremism and terrorism. Critics of the military's counter-terrorism role The military's involvement in counter-terrorism is not without its critics. The TNI's past human rights abuses in domestic operations, and concerns over its lack of familiarity with the current terrorist landscape, are significant objections. Despite shortcomings, many argue that the police have performed relatively well in a democratising Indonesia, where terrorists have been comprehensively eliminated, apprehended, or prosecuted. As terrorism is considered a crime rather than an external threat, the police are seen as better placed to manage it. There are also concerns that military involvement could lead to inter-service competition for resources and jurisdictional disputes, undermining Indonesia's counter-terrorism effectiveness. Some allege that the military is motivated by access to the large financial resources allocated for counter-terrorism, previously controlled by the police. Despite these concerns, the government does not appear to be replacing the police's role in counter-terrorism. Rather, amid a rapidly evolving security environment and cost constraints, it seeks a larger military role in neutralising armed terrorists. This is most evident in the continued military-police cooperation since Operation Tinombala. Since the 2002 Bali bombings, Indonesia has recognised the need for a whole-of-government approach, including addressing the root causes of terrorism and violent radicalism. This involves oversight of educational institutions, ideological deradicalisation, management of religious institutions, monitoring of mass and social media, tackling socio-economic issues such as poverty, and preventing prison radicalisation – all beyond the military's remit. A combined military-police approach is thus the most viable way to contain terrorism, particularly given the evolving threat from pro-IS groups in the country. Jasminder Singh is an Associate Research Fellow with the International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research (ICPVTR) at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University (NTU), Singapore. The views expressed here are the personal opinion of the writer and do not necessarily represent that of Twentytwo13. Main image by TNI.
Forbes
a day ago
- Forbes
China Market Update: Semiconductor Stocks Soar, Tariff Deadline Extended (Again)
Asian equities were mostly higher overnight on the US' decision to extend the tariff 'deadline' once again (shocking), as Indonesia and Japan outperformed, while Korea and Thailand underperformed. Hong Kong and Mainland markets were both higher overnight, though the Hang Seng Tech Index closed lower by the end of the session on mixed performance from internet name, though technology hardware names largely did well. Alibaba's Hong Kong-listed shares were slightly lower overnight, Kuaishou was sharply lower, and Meituan was slightly higher. Mainland investors had another billion-plus day, in dollar terms, of net buying of Hong Kong-listed stocks and ETFs via Southbound Stock Connect. Trump extended the tariff 'deadline' once again for another three months or 90 days. Why does this keep getting extended? Likely because the Trump team knows that $3,000 to $5,000 iPhones would be highly destabilizing to the US economy. It's the Art of the Deal! The deadline is likely to continue to get extended until we get a deal. There remain many chances for a Trump-Xi Summit in the fall, including the September 9th commemoration of the end of World War II in Beijing, the UN General Assembly (UNGA), also in September, and APEC in October. We will see, though it looks like the president will be meeting Puttin first. Kuaishou fell nearly -10% in Hong Kong overnight after the video platform added a food delivery section to its 'super app' that links to Meituan. The sell-off was likely overblown, but investors have become very sensitive to the potential margin impact of instant commerce and food delivery promotions. Thankfully, Kuaishou does not appear to be starting its own business in the space. Wang Yiming from the PBOC commented on instance commerce price wats and China's anti-involution policy to combat this, explaining that it is not anticompetitive. Per the South China Morning Post, he said that 'It [the policy]Semiconductor companies Cambricon Technologies, which is listed on the STAR Market and gained +20% overnight, Foxconn Industrial, which gained +9%, were higher on government guidance against the use of Nvidia's H20 chips in China, for which the American semiconductor maker just secured an export license. It is likely stemming from the US government's demand to take a cut of Nvidia's China sales revenue. Internet earnings will kick off this week with Tencent, which will report second quarter results tomorrow. New Content Read our latest article: KraneShares KOID ETF: Humanoid Robot Rings Nasdaq Opening Bell Please click here to read
Washington Post
a day ago
- Washington Post
Global ‘mining mafia' feeds China's appetite for gold, investigation shows
LANTUNG VILLAGE, Indonesia — Hilltop after hilltop in this remote part of Indonesia is being scalped of vegetation. On the horizon, excavators lumber forward, gouging out rocks veined yellow. Nearby, milky chemicals collect in Olympic pool-sized trenches. This is the work of Chinese mining syndicates flush with capital and connections, Indonesian investigators say. And virtually none of it is legal.
