
A Florida man convicted of killing 2 people outside a bar is to be executed in July
TALLAHASSEE, Fla. (AP) — A man convicted of fatally shooting a man and woman outside a Jacksonville bar as part of an attempted revenge killing has been scheduled for execution in Florida under a death warrant signed Friday by Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis, the eighth this year.
Michael Bernard Bell, 54, is set to die by lethal injection July 15 at Florida State Prison near the city of Starke.
Bell was convicted in 1995 and sentenced to death for the murders of Jimmy West and Tamecka Smith.
In December 1993, Bell spotted what he thought was the car of the man who fatally shot his brother earlier that year, according to court records. Bell was apparently unaware that the man had sold the car to West.
Bell called on two friends and armed himself with an AK-47 rifle, authorities said. They found the car parked outside a liquor lounge and waited. When West, Smith and another woman eventually exited the club, Bell approached the car and opened fire, officials said. West died at the scene, and Smith died on the way to the hospital. The other woman escaped injury. Witnesses said Bell also fired at a crowd of onlookers before fleeing the area. He was eventually arrested the next year.
Bell was later convicted of three additional murders. He fatally shot a woman and her toddler son in 1989, and he killed his mother's boyfriend about four months before the attack on West and Smith, officials said.
Six other executions have taken place in Florida this year, with a seventh scheduled for June 24, all by lethal injection.

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Atlantic
26 minutes ago
- Atlantic
The Senator Who Failed America on Vaccines
It's easy to forget that Robert F. Kennedy Jr.'s assault on vaccines—including, most recently, his gutting of the expert committee that guides American vaccine policy—might have been avoided. Four months ago, his nomination for health secretary was in serious jeopardy. The deciding vote seemed to be in the hands of one Republican senator: Bill Cassidy of Louisiana. A physician who gained prominence by vaccinating low-income kids in his home state, Cassidy was wary of the longtime vaccine conspiracist. 'I have been struggling with your nomination,' he told Kennedy during his confirmation hearings in January. Then Cassidy caved. In the speech he gave on the Senate floor explaining his decision, Cassidy said that he'd vote to confirm Kennedy only because he had extracted a number of concessions from the nominee—chief among them that he would preserve, 'without changes,' the very CDC committee Kennedy overhauled this week. Since then, Cassidy has continued to give Kennedy the benefit of the doubt. On Monday, after Kennedy dismissed all 17 members of the vaccine advisory committee, Cassidy posted on X that he was working with Kennedy to prevent the open roles from being filled with 'people who know nothing about vaccines except suspicion.' The senator has failed, undeniably and spectacularly. One new appointee, Robert Malone, has repeatedly spread misinformation (or what he prefers to call 'scientific dissent') about vaccines. Another appointee, Vicky Pebsworth, is on the board of an anti-vax nonprofit, the National Vaccine Information Center. Cassidy may keep insisting that he is doing all he can to stand up for vaccines. But he already had his big chance to do so, and he blew it. Now, with the rest of America, he's watching the nation's vaccine future take a nosedive. So far, the senator hasn't appeared interested in any kind of mea culpa for his faith in Kennedy's promises. On Thursday, I caught Cassidy as he hurried out of a congressional hearing room. He was still reviewing the appointees, he told me and several other reporters who gathered around him. When I chased after him down the hallway to ask more questions, he told me, 'I'll be putting out statements, and I'll let those statements stand for themselves.' A member of his staff dismissed me with a curt 'Thank you, sir.' Cassidy's staff has declined repeated requests for an interview with the senator since the confirmation vote in January. With the exception of Mitch McConnell, every GOP senator voted to confirm Kennedy. They all have to own the health secretary's actions. But Cassidy seemed to be the Republican most concerned about Kennedy's nomination, and there was a good reason to think that the doctor would vote his conscience. In 2021, Cassidy was one of seven Senate Republicans who voted to convict Donald Trump on an impeachment charge after the insurrection at the Capitol. But this time, the senator—who is up for reelection next year, facing a more MAGA-friendly challenger—ultimately fell in line. Cassidy tried to have it both ways: elevating Kennedy to his job while also vowing to constrain him. In casting his confirmation vote, Cassidy implied that the two would be in close communication, and that Kennedy had asked for his input on hiring decisions. The two reportedly had breakfast in March to discuss the health secretary's plan to dramatically reshape the department. 'Senator Cassidy speaks regularly with secretary Kennedy and believes those conversations are much more productive when they're held in private, not through press headlines,' a spokesperson for Cassidy wrote in an email. (A spokesperson for HHS did not immediately respond to a request for comment.) At times, it has appeared as though Cassidy's approach has had some effect on the health secretary. Amid the measles outbreak in Texas earlier this year, Kennedy baselessly questioned the safety of the MMR vaccine. In April, after two unvaccinated children died, Cassidy posted on X: 'Everyone should be vaccinated! There is no treatment for measles. No benefit to getting measles. Top health officials should say so unequivocally b/4 another child dies.' Cassidy didn't call out Kennedy by name, but the health secretary appeared to get the message. Later that day, Kennedy posted that the measles vaccine was the most effective way to stave off illness. ('Completely agree,' Cassidy responded.) All things considered, that's a small victory. Despite Kennedy's claims that he is not an anti-vaxxer, he has enacted a plainly anti-vaccine agenda. Since being confirmed, he has pushed out the FDA's top vaccine regulator, hired a fellow vaccine skeptic to investigate the purported link between autism and shots, and questioned the safety of childhood vaccinations currently recommended by the CDC. As my colleague Katherine J. Wu wrote this week, 'Whether he will admit to it or not, he is serving the most core goal of the anti-vaccine movement—eroding access to, and trust in, immunization.' The reality is that back channels can be only so effective. Cassidy's main power is to call Kennedy before the Senate health committee, which he chairs, and demand an explanation for Kennedy's new appointees to the CDC's vaccine-advisory committee. Cassidy might very well do that. In February, he said that Kennedy would 'come before the committee on a quarterly basis, if requested.' Kennedy did appear before Cassidy's committee last month to answer questions about his efforts to institute mass layoffs at his agency. Some Republicans (and many Democrats) pressed the secretary on those efforts, while others praised them. Cassidy, for his part, expressed concerns about Kennedy's indiscriminate cutting of research programs, but still, he was largely deferential. 'I agree with Secretary Kennedy that HHS needs reform,' Cassidy said. Even if he had disagreed, an angry exchange between a health secretary and a Senate committee doesn't guarantee any policy changes. Lawmakers may try to act like government bureaucrats report to them, but they have limited power once a nominee is already in their job. Technically, lawmakers can impeach Cabinet members, but in American history, a sitting Cabinet member has never been impeached and subsequently removed from office. The long and arduous confirmation process is supposed to be the bulwark against potentially dangerous nominees being put in positions of power. Cassidy and most of his Republican colleagues have already decided not to stop Kennedy from overseeing the largest department in the federal government by budget. Now Kennedy is free to do whatever he wants—senators be damned.


The Hill
an hour ago
- The Hill
The decline of coal isn't a conspiracy — it's the market reality
A core misunderstanding fuels a recent lawsuit that has made headlines. The Republican attorneys general of Texas and 10 other states have accused some of the nation's largest asset managers of 'colluding' to harm coal companies, claiming falsely that the decline of coal is the result of some coordinated political vendetta rather than simple, demonstrable market economics. With the Justice Department and Federal Trade Commission joining the conversation, it is important to delve into the details and consider market trends over the past few decades. Coal's decline in the U.S. did not start with asset managers or so-called 'environmental, social and governance' or ESG investment policies. It started decades ago, with the shale gas revolution, when fracking technology unleashed an abundant, cheap and cleaner-burning alternative. U.S. Energy Information Administration data show that U.S. coal production was 1.13 trillion short tons in 2001, but by 2020 that number had declined to 535 billion short tons — its lowest level since 1965. Natural gas outcompeted coal because it made economic sense. It has lower operating costs, fewer regulatory burdens and, perhaps most importantly, reduced environmental impact. Add in the drop in the cost of renewables, and coal's decline was predictable. Asset managers saw the writing on the wall and adjusted their investments, as their fiduciary duty to their clients demands. This is about economics, not ideology — business decisions, not politics. Power utilities, manufacturers and even global markets have made decisions based on price, efficiency and reliability. We know this because coal's decline happened in both public and private coal companies. Coal companies themselves have noted the decline in prior Securities and Exchange Commission annual reports. Capital flows based on competitive advantage, not political talking points. What these attorneys general attempt to frame as 'coal collusion' is, in fact, a textbook example of fiduciary responsibility and following industry direction. Asset managers have a legal duty to evaluate long-term risks and returns for their clients. When coal projects increasingly face uncertain demand, regulatory headwinds and operational volatility, it is prudent investing to limit exposure. The lawsuit itself notes that coal production increased (incrementally) in 2021, the first year of the supposed 'conspiracy.' This further shows the inconsistency of the argument, raising questions about whether the lawsuit is really about coal or about weaponizing an economic trend — a dangerous precedent to set. We must be honest about what's happening to coal, and to energy more broadly. Rather than distort reality for short-term political gain, let's focus on developing solutions that respect our economic system, support innovation and ensure energy security. The real conversation we should be having is about ensuring energy abundance through all means. Let's talk about how to accelerate nuclear energy, streamline permitting for cleaner domestic production, invest in resilient grid infrastructure, and maintain American leadership in next-generation energy technologies. Allowing for a truly 'all of the above' energy strategy enables investments in diverse, dependable and secure energy sources. Climate, energy and market decisions are complex and intertwined. They deserve meticulous debate. It's time to refocus the conversation on pragmatism and opportunity — not partisan politicking. We should all care about America's energy future, and to best do so, we have to stop pretending market evolution is sabotage. The decline of coal in the U.S. is simply capitalism doing exactly what conservatives have always trusted it to do: adapt and allocate capital where it best serves growth, stability and prosperity. Benji Backer is the Founder and CEO of Nature Is Nonpartisan. He also serves as the executive chairman of the American Conservation Coalition and is the best-selling author of 'The Conservative Environmentalist: Common Sense Solutions for a Sustainable Future.'


San Francisco Chronicle
an hour ago
- San Francisco Chronicle
Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz: former House speaker and husband killed in politically motivated shooting
CHAMPLIN, Minn. (AP) — Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz: former House Speaker Melissa Hortman and husband were killed Saturday in a politically motivated shooting. A second legislator was wounded on Saturday in attacks. CHAMPLIN, Minn. (AP) — A Minnesota mayor says two state lawmakers were shot in their homes early Saturday. Mayor Ryan Sabas of Champlin said state senator John Hoffman and state representative Melissa Hortman were shot, and that Hoffman's wife was also shot. A person familiar with the matter told The Associated Press that investigators believe that the suspect may have been posing as a law enforcement officer. The person said investigators were still working to establish motive for the attacks and were still in the early stages of an investigation. Gov. Tim Walz said the shooting was targeted. Hoffman, a Democrat, was first elected in 2012. He runs Hoffman Strategic Advisors, a consulting firm. He previously served as vice chair of the Anoka Hennepin School Board, which manages the largest school district in Minnesota. Hoffman is married and has one daughter. Hortman is the top House Democratic leader in the state Legislature and a former House speaker. She was first elected in 2004. Hortman, a lawyer, is married and has two children. Both Hoffman and Hortman represent districts located north of Minneapolis. The shootings happened at a time when political leaders nationwide have been attacked, harassed and intimidated during a time of deep political divisions. GIFFORDS, the national gun violence prevention organization led by former Congresswoman Gabrielle Giffords, released the following statement. 'I am horrified and heartbroken by last night's attack on two patriotic public servants," Giffords said. 'My family and I know the horror of a targeted shooting all too well. An attack against lawmakers is an attack on American democracy itself. Leaders must speak out and condemn the fomenting violent extremism that threatens everything this country stands for.' Giffords was shot in the head in 2011 by a gunman who killed six people and injured 12 others. She stepped down from Congress in January 2012 to focus on her recovery.