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Journalist killed in Israeli strike feared his own assassination - as IDF claims he was a 'terrorist'

Journalist killed in Israeli strike feared his own assassination - as IDF claims he was a 'terrorist'

Sky News5 days ago
Five Al Jazeera journalists have been killed in an Israeli strike in Gaza - including a reporter who feared he was going to be assassinated.
Anas al Sharif died alongside four of his colleagues from the network: Mohammed Qreiqeh, Ibrahim Zaher, Mohammed Noufal and Moamen Aliwa.
The Committee to Protect Journalists had recently expressed "grave" concerns about al Sharif's safety, and claimed he was "being targeted by an Israeli military smear campaign".
Israel Defence Forces confirmed the strike - and alleged al Sharif was a "terrorist" who was "responsible for advancing rocket attacks against Israeli civilians and IDF troops".
Last month, the reporter had said he lived with "the feeling that I could be bombed and martyred at any moment" because his coverage of Israel's operations "harms them and damages their image in the world".
As of 5 August, at least 186 journalists and media workers have been killed in Gaza - but foreign reporters have been barred from covering the war independently since the latest conflict began in 2023.
The Hamas-run government has described Israel's killing of these five Al Jazeera journalists as a "brutal and heinous".
A statement added: "The assassination was premeditated and deliberate, following a deliberate, direct targeting of the journalists' tent near al Shifa Hospital in Gaza City.
"The targeting of journalists and media institutions by Israeli aircraft is a full-fledged war crime aimed at silencing the truth and obliterating the traces of genocidal crimes."
Following Anas al Sharif's death, a post described as his "last will and testament" was posted on X.
It read: "If these words of mine reach you, know that Israel has succeeded in killing me and silencing my voice."
The 28-year-old added that he laments being able to fulfil his dream of seeing his son and daughter grow up - and alleged he had witnessed children "crushed by thousands of tonnes of Israeli bombs and missiles".
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Israeli unit tasked with smearing Gaza journalists as Hamas fighters
Israeli unit tasked with smearing Gaza journalists as Hamas fighters

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time9 minutes ago

  • The Guardian

Israeli unit tasked with smearing Gaza journalists as Hamas fighters

A special unit in Israel's military was tasked with identifying reporters it could smear as undercover Hamas fighters, to target them and to blunt international outrage over the killing of media workers, the Israeli-Palestinian outlet +972 Magazine reports. The 'legitimisation cell' was set up after the 7 October 2023 Hamas attack to gather information that could bolster Israel's image and shore up diplomatic and military support from key allies, the report said, citing three intelligence sources. According to the report, in at least one case the unit misrepresented information in order to falsely describe a journalist as a militant, a designation that in Gaza is in effect a death sentence. The label was reversed before the man was attacked, one of the sources said. Earlier this week, Israel killed the Al Jazeera journalist Anas al-Sharif and three colleagues in their makeshift newsroom, after claiming Sharif was a Hamas commander. The killings focused global attention on the extreme dangers faced by Palestinian journalists in Gaza and Israel's efforts to manipulate media coverage of the war. Foreign reporters have been barred from entering Gaza apart from a few brief and tightly controlled trips with the Israeli military, who impose restrictions including a ban on speaking to Palestinians. Palestinian journalists reporting from the ground are the most at risk in the world, with more than 180 killed by Israeli attacks in less than two years, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists. Israel carried out 26 targeted killings of journalists in that period, the CPJ said, describing them as murders. Israel has produced an unconvincing dossier of unverified evidence on Sharif's purported Hamas links, and failed to address how he would have juggled a military command role with regular broadcast duties in one of the most heavily surveilled places on Earth. Israel did not attempt to justify killing his three colleagues. Before the attack, press freedom groups and Sharif himself had warned that Israeli accusations of Hamas links, first made in 2024, were designed to 'manufacture consent to kill'. They had been revived and repeated with increasing frequency after his reporting on famine in Gaza went viral. Intelligence sources told +972 magazine that the 'legitimisation cell' worked to undermine the work done by Palestinian journalists as well as their protected status under international law. Officers were eager to find a media worker they could link to Hamas, because they were convinced Gaza-based journalists were 'smearing [Israel's] name in front of the world', a source was quoted saying. In at least one case, they misrepresented evidence to falsely claim a reporter was an undercover militant, two sources said, although the designation was reversed before an attack was ordered. 'They were eager to label him as a target, as a terrorist, to say it's OK to attack him,' one recalled. 'They said: during the day he's a journalist, at night he's a platoon commander. Everyone was excited. But there was a chain of errors and corner-cutting.' 'In the end, they realised he really was a journalist,' the source added, and the reporter was taken off the target list. Israel's government often gave the army orders about where the unit should focus their work, and the primary motive of the 'legitimisation cell' was public relations, not national security, the sources said. When media criticism of Israel over a particular issue intensified the cell would be tasked with finding intelligence that could be declassified and used to counter the narrative, the magazine reported. 'If the global media is talking about Israel killing innocent journalists, then immediately there's a push to find one journalist who might not be so innocent, as if that somehow makes killing the other 20 acceptable,' the article quoted an intelligence source saying. The cell also reportedly sought information on Hamas's use of schools and hospitals for military purposes, and failed attacks by Palestinian armed groups that harmed civilians there. Some in the unit were reportedly concerned about publishing classified material for public relations reasons rather than military or security objectives. Officers were told their work was crucial to Israel's ability to keep fighting, one source said. 'The idea was to (allow the military to) operate without pressure, so countries like America wouldn't stop supplying weapons,' a second source said. 'Anything that could bolster Israel's international legitimacy to keep fighting.' The IDF has been approached for comment. On Friday, at least 16 Palestinians were killed by Israeli attacks in Gaza, including five who were trying to get food aid, medical sources told Al Jazeera. Israel also issued evacuation orders for northern parts of Gaza City's Zeitoun neighbourhood, as it intensified military operations before a planned escalation of the ground war in Gaza, which has been widely criticised domestically and abroad.

As Netanyahu starves Gaza, there is a whole new battle to be fought in Israel – against complacency
As Netanyahu starves Gaza, there is a whole new battle to be fought in Israel – against complacency

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As Netanyahu starves Gaza, there is a whole new battle to be fought in Israel – against complacency

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And so, after almost two years of fighting, life in Tel Aviv recalls the antebellum days of endless partying. The beaches and restaurants are packed and Ben Gurion airport is busy again with summer vacationers flying to Greece. Israel's economic data is outperforming expectations. Antiwar sentiment is limited to fear for the plight of Israeli hostages in Hamas tunnels, decreasing motivation to re-enlist in reservist units, and growing PTSD and suicide cases in the military. Nevertheless, most Israelis, even diehard critics of prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu, would give him carte blanche to continue with the ongoing punishment of Gaza. This public complacency allows Netanyahu to focus his attention on his favourite territory of political power-plays and media manipulation. His current aim is subordinating the military, and the ongoing war gives him an unprecedented opportunity. Zoom out: throughout his long, embattled political career, the chief rivals of Israel's prime minister have been former military leaders. Having led the country's most revered institution, they have been the epitome of its old liberal establishment, which Netanyahu vowed to crush and replace with new elites composed of his socially conservative and religious supporters. Beginning with Yitzhak Rabin in the 1990s, Netanyahu has fought them all – military heroes such as Ariel Sharon and Ehud Barak and uniformed apparatchiks including Benny Gantz and Gadi Eisenkot – and survived at the helm. But in a country fighting a permanent war, political control of the military is the key to leadership, and Netanyahu had been restrained by the de facto veto power of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) and intelligence community over war-and-peace decision-making. Then came the Hamas attack on 7 October 2023, which the military and intelligence services had failed to anticipate and to contain in time. 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In March, Netanyahu made his move to take over the Kirya, Israel's answer to the Pentagon, in central Tel Aviv, nominating Lt Gen Eyal Zamir as the new IDF chief of staff. A broad-shouldered tank commander who had served as the prime minister's military aide a decade earlier, Zamir had close-up knowledge of his former boss and his inner circle. The rightwing politicians and twitterati praised him as an 'offensive' commander who would defeat Hamas, unlike his unlucky predecessor, Herzi Halevi, who carried the burden of the 7 October failure. And he was widely expected to preserve the draft exemption for ultra-Orthodox men, relieving Netanyahu of a political hot potato. At first, Zamir was quick to adapt. On 18 March, Israel breached a short-lived ceasefire with Hamas, intensifying its attacks and temporarily halting the flow of food and humanitarian aid into Gaza. In May, the military launched another operation to 'eliminate Hamas' and appeared in sync with the stated goal of Netanyahu and the right wing: ethnic cleansing of Gaza by relocating its 2 million Palestinians into guarded enclaves, from which the only way out would be abroad. But it didn't take long for the supposed Netanyahu crony to expose a different set of priorities. While showing no mercy for the Palestinians, Zamir behaved like the older, risk-averse version of his boss, putting the safety of his troops – and of the remaining Israeli hostages in Gaza – above all. And he stuck to his predecessor's support of Haredi conscription, issuing thousands of draft notes to ultra-Orthodox youth. By early August, as Hamas would not surrender, Netanyahu and his far-right coalition pledged to occupy the remaining Palestinian enclaves even at the risk of harming the hostages. This was Zamir's moment of rebellion. He reportedly threatened to resign if forced into a risky operation that would entail long-term occupation. Netanyahu was quick to seize the power-play opportunity, leading as usual from behind. Yair, the prime minister's son and alpha dog whistler, accused Zamir of a banana-republic military coup. Matters came to a head in a heated security cabinet meeting on 6 August, at which the chief of staff warned against sending his troops into what was 'tantamount … to a trap' and risking the hostages' lives. The compromise was a decision to occupy only Gaza City, force its million inhabitants out and raze it – just as the IDF had already done in Rafah and Khan Yunis. A two-month deadline was given before implementation, leaving time for a last-minute hostages-for-ceasefire deal. The power struggle, however, did not stop after the cabinet decision, as defence minister Israel Katz kept up his pressure on Zamir to bow or leave. 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True to form, Netanyahu likes to keep his options open, while leaving his opponents with uneasy choices and telling different, and often contradictory, stories to different people. Israeli pundits debate whether he wants to end the war, reach a partial deal, or keep a low-level and less costly fight. Only two things are clear: the prime minister has an insatiable quest for power and longevity in office; and the death toll in Gaza from bombing and malnutrition keeps rising, while Israelis keep looking the other way. Aluf Benn is the editor-in-chief of Haaretz Do you have an opinion on the issues raised in this article? If you would like to submit a response of up to 300 words by email to be considered for publication in our letters section, please click here.

Israel in talks to resettle Gaza Palestinians in South Sudan, sources say
Israel in talks to resettle Gaza Palestinians in South Sudan, sources say

Reuters

timean hour ago

  • Reuters

Israel in talks to resettle Gaza Palestinians in South Sudan, sources say

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