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Donald Trump's Nobel Peace Prize nomination in jeopardy after explosive fallout with Ukraine and Pakistan—what happens now?

Donald Trump's Nobel Peace Prize nomination in jeopardy after explosive fallout with Ukraine and Pakistan—what happens now?

Time of India4 hours ago

Donald Trump has been formally nominated for the 2026 Nobel Peace Prize, credited for helping negotiate a ceasefire between Israel and Iran. The nomination was submitted by U.S. Republican Congressman Buddy Carter, who described Trump's efforts as 'extraordinary and historic.' In his letter to the Norwegian Nobel Committee, Carter highlighted Trump's role in halting a rapidly escalating conflict, saying the agreement 'offered the world a rare glimpse of hope.'
Carter added that Trump's involvement required 'both courage and clarity,' and that the resulting ceasefire helped prevent what could have been a wider regional war in the Middle East.
Ukrainian lawmaker withdraws support over Ukraine stance
However, Trump's nomination has not been without controversy. Oleksandr Merezhko, a senior Ukrainian lawmaker who had earlier nominated Trump for the same prize, withdrew his support. Merezhko, who chairs Ukraine's parliamentary foreign affairs committee, told Newsweek he no longer believed Trump could deliver on his promise to end the Russia-Ukraine war.
'I have lost any sort of faith and belief in Trump and his ability to secure a ceasefire between Moscow and Kyiv,' he said. Merezhko also criticized Trump's reluctance to impose sanctions on Russia and described his response to recent missile attacks on Kyiv as 'appeasement.'
In March, Ukraine accepted a U.S.-backed peace proposal, but Russia has not responded. Trump previously claimed he would end the conflict within 24 hours if re-elected. In May, he said, 'If Putin is stalling, we'll respond a little bit differently,' but did not follow up with action.
Pakistan praises Trump, then Condemns US strikes
Pakistan had initially expressed strong support for Trump's nomination. Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar credited him for reducing tensions between India and Pakistan and submitted a formal nomination.
However, this endorsement was short-lived. A day after Trump's ceasefire announcement, he approved a U.S. strike on three Iranian nuclear sites. Pakistan's Foreign Ministry quickly responded with criticism, calling the military action 'deeply disturbing.'
Ceasefire named '12-day war'; Trump voices disappointment
The ceasefire between Israel and Iran, which Trump announced on a Monday, came just two days after the military action. He proposed naming the conflict the '12-Day War' and called the resolution a pivotal step toward avoiding broader violence in the region.
Despite this, Trump expressed frustration over his past diplomatic efforts going unrecognized. On Truth Social, he said, 'I won't get a Nobel Peace Prize no matter what I do,' referencing previous attempts like the Abraham Accords and mediation efforts involving India-Pakistan and Serbia-Kosovo.
Speaking to reporters, he added, 'I should have gotten it four or five times… They won't give me a Nobel Peace Prize because they only give it to liberals.'
So far, only three U.S. presidents—Theodore Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson, and Barack Obama—have received the prize.Trump's Nobel nomination is official, but wavering international support and political criticism may complicate the path ahead.

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Netanyahu Planned Iran Strike Months Before Bringing In Trump: Report
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Netanyahu Planned Iran Strike Months Before Bringing In Trump: Report

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Despite bombs, backlash: Why Iran's nuclear programme matters to it
Despite bombs, backlash: Why Iran's nuclear programme matters to it

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Despite bombs, backlash: Why Iran's nuclear programme matters to it

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Nuclear weapons, particularly for a country like Iran, are seen less as tools of aggression and more as strategic deterrents. These weapons could serve multiple deterrence objectives: dissuading conventional military aggression from regional non-nuclear states, forestalling nuclear threats from powers like Israel, India or Pakistan, and deterring interventions by external powers such as the United States or Russia. Analysts often reference the doctrine of 'proportional deterrence,' a concept initially crafted in Cold War-era France. It proposes that a relatively less capable nuclear state can still effectively deter stronger nuclear adversaries by threatening to destroy high-value targets, even while absorbing significant damage itself. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD This form of second-strike capability ensures that any country contemplating an attack must reckon with irreversible consequences. This logic, however, cuts both ways. Iran itself remains vulnerable to deterrence by Israel's nuclear arsenal, and even its missile advancements may not necessarily indicate nuclear ambitions. Some experts argue that Iran's precision missile development could be aimed at bolstering conventional deterrence — targeting strategic sites in Israel or elsewhere without resorting to nuclear arms. While a nuclear-armed Iran would not automatically destabilise the region, the psychological and political implications would be profound. The sheer perception of a shift in power dynamics could alter regional alignments, defence planning and diplomatic engagements. Most crucially, however, it is unlikely that regional or global powers will allow Iran to acquire such a capability uncontested. How did Iran's nuclear programme come about? Iran's nuclear journey began not in defiance, but under American sponsorship. In 1957, the US and Iran launched a civil nuclear partnership as part of the 'Atoms for Peace' initiative. 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This idea, grounded in a long history of colonial subjugation, remains central to the Islamic Republic's identity. Iran's experience of foreign domination stretches back centuries: squeezed between Russian and British imperialism in the 19th century, subjected to the exploitation of oil resources by British corporations in the 20th, and politically undermined by direct foreign interventions. In 1953, the US and UK orchestrated a coup to remove then-Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddegh after he sought national control over Iran's oil. This episode is widely regarded as a defining national trauma. Author and analyst Vali Nasr, in his work Iran's Grand Strategy, traces Iran's emphasis on nuclear self-sufficiency back to this legacy of external coercion. He argues that the drive for civil nuclear power and the right to enrich uranium is not just about energy — it is about reclaiming sovereignty. 'Before the revolution itself, before the hostage crisis or US sanctions, before the Iran-Iraq war or efforts to export the revolution… the future supreme religious guide and leader of Iran valued independence from foreign influence as equal to the enshrining principles of Islam in the state,' Nasr notes. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Khamenei himself once explained the significance of the revolution by stating, 'now all decisions are made in Tehran.' This desire for autonomy — manifested in Iran's refusal to rely on imported enriched uranium from countries like Russia — has consistently obstructed nuclear agreements. Yet, from Iran's perspective, conceding on enrichment would be tantamount to surrendering the very ideals upon which the Islamic Republic was built. Also Watch: With inputs from agencies

Trump likens Iran airstrikes to Hiroshima and Nagasaki, says 'nuclear programme set back by decades'
Trump likens Iran airstrikes to Hiroshima and Nagasaki, says 'nuclear programme set back by decades'

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time41 minutes ago

  • First Post

Trump likens Iran airstrikes to Hiroshima and Nagasaki, says 'nuclear programme set back by decades'

Despite President Donald Trump's repeated assertions that US bunker-buster strikes 'completely obliterated' Iran's nuclear facilities last week, uncertainty remains over the fate of a 400 kg stockpile of uranium. read more President Donald Trump on Wednesday doubled down on his assertion that the United States had dealt a massive blow to Iran's nuclear programme through recent airstrikes, claiming that Tehran's ability to develop nuclear weapons had been pushed back by decades. Speaking at the NATO Summit in the Netherlands, Trump said the US strikes resulted in 'total obliteration' at Iran's key nuclear sites, adding that 'they're not going to be building bombs for a long time.' STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Trump also insisted that a ceasefire between Iran and Israel was holding well, and compared the outcome of the June 22 airstrikes to the decisive end of World War II, when the US dropped atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. 'That ended the war,' he said. 'I don't want to use the example of Hiroshima, I don't want to use the example of Nagasaki—but that was essentially the same thing.' Despite reports questioning the extent of damage inflicted on Iran's nuclear infrastructure, Trump rejected any such doubts, branding them 'fake news.' He lashed out at CNN and The New York Times for reporting that Iran's programme remained largely intact, posting in all caps on Truth Social that the nuclear sites had been 'completely destroyed.' Trump's comments were aimed at countering a CNN report based on an assessment by the Pentagon's Defence Intelligence Agency. The classified review indicated that while some Iranian nuclear sites were damaged, others remained operational or were protected before the strikes. The report also said that key equipment, such as centrifuges and uranium stockpiles, had not been fully destroyed. White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt dismissed the Pentagon assessment as 'flat-out wrong' and defended the mission's success. 'When you drop fourteen 30,000-pound bombs directly on target, the result is total obliteration,' she said. What the US believes it achieved Vice President JD Vance echoed the administration's view in a Fox News interview, saying that while Iran still possesses enriched uranium—roughly 408.6 kilograms at 60% purity—it has lost the technical capacity to further enrich it to weapons-grade levels or convert it into a nuclear weapon. 'That is mission success,' Vance said. According to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), about 42 kilograms of uranium enriched to 60% can be further processed into weapons-grade material sufficient for one nuclear bomb. The U.S. believes that by destroying infrastructure essential for that final enrichment and weaponisation, it has neutralised Iran's nuclear threat—for now. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Iran's preparations and evasive measures Ahead of the strikes, Iran took steps to protect its nuclear assets. On June 13, a day after Israel launched its own campaign against Tehran, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi informed IAEA Director-General Rafael Grossi that Iran would take 'special measures' to safeguard its nuclear equipment. Satellite images from Maxar Technologies showed activity at the Fordo nuclear site starting June 19, three days before the U.S. attack. Trucks and bulldozers were seen transporting dirt, which was later used to seal entrances to underground tunnels—possibly shielding the site's contents from destruction. Stephen Wood, senior director at Maxar, said these trucks might have been involved in removing enriched uranium stockpiles or sensitive equipment before the strikes. Former U.S. intelligence analyst Eric Brewer also suggested Iran could have relocated enriched uranium or delicate centrifuges—although the latter would have been harder to transport without damage. Long-term nuclear capability not eliminated While the airstrikes appear to have dealt a blow to Iran's declared nuclear facilities, experts caution that Iran may retain enough resources to rebuild a covert programme. Over the last four years, Tehran has produced advanced centrifuges beyond the IAEA's monitoring scope. On June 12, Iran also announced the construction of a third enrichment plant in Isfahan—though it's unclear how functional it remains following Israeli and American strikes. Brewer warned that even with partial losses, Iran still has a strong foundation for rebuilding its nuclear capabilities. 'They've lost equipment and possibly personnel, but they haven't lost everything,' he said. If centrifuges were diverted in advance, Iran could, in theory, construct a small-scale, hidden enrichment site and reach weapons-grade enrichment quickly. Kelsey Davenport of the Arms Control Association echoed this concern. She noted that if Iran still possesses 60% enriched uranium and operational centrifuges, it could restart enrichment activities covertly and accelerate toward a nuclear weapon. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Still, any new nuclear project would now begin at a disadvantage. Experts agree that Israeli and American operations have at least temporarily weakened Iran's nuclear infrastructure—though not decisively ended the threat. With inputs from agencies

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