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‘Delayed justice' irks Pretoria GBV survivor

‘Delayed justice' irks Pretoria GBV survivor

The Citizena day ago
After five years of court delays, a Pretoria GBV victim says there's nothing to celebrate this Women's Month.
A Pretoria gender-based violence (GBV) victim said there was nothing to celebrate this Women's Month after the case against her cop ex-boyfriend was postponed again.
Yesterday, Izelle Venter had to face her alleged abuser, a Hawks officer, in the Pretoria Magistrate's Court in a case of assault which has been dragging on for five years.
She will have to return next month to hear if the new application to get a state witness to testify will be granted and if the case will be postponed again.
'One of the hardest things' – GBV victim testifying against ex
Venter describes testifying against her ex-boyfriend, Jacques Loock, a captain in the Directorate for Priority Crime Investigation, as one of the hardest things she had to do.
'It feels like the defence keeps on playing for time. Delayed justice is justice denied,' she said.
ALSO READ: Femicide horror as EC man kills wife and ex-girlfriend
After the attack in February 2019, Venter spent five days recovering in an intensive care unit and was booked off from work for another six weeks.
'It makes me incredibly sad, I am the victim, the state doesn't stand up for me. Instead it's just one delay after the next. The accused has more rights than the victim,' she said.
Venter, who attended the first court hearing in March 2019, said she has lost count of how many times the case has been delayed.
Lost count of how many times case was delayed
'Nobody takes the time to explain to me what's going on in court, it's just the accused this and the accused that,' she said.
Venter said the worst of it all was that she couldn't move on with her life or cut him out because the case was still ongoing.
ALSO READ: Mother arrested for allegedly choking baby to death
'For two months, everything is fine until the next court date, then I am traumatised again and then they postpone it again,' she said.
'It's not fair. How must I carry on with my life? I sit with the trauma, while he was promoted in the force.'
Venter said she is still terrified of her alleged attacker because she was close to him.
Still terrified of attacker
'Although it happened in 2019, when that man walked around that corner this morning, I couldn't face him. I am still scared of him,' she said.
Venter said there was no justice for GBV victims.
ALSO READ: Calls for justice after Mpumalanga man allegedly sets women alight
'Not once in the past six years did anyone look at my rights, not once. What's the point of going through all of this just to be disappointed,' she said.
Unchain Our Children founder Wayne van Onselen said they supported Venter in the presidential stance of zero tolerance against GBV, which the state and judiciary have made a mockery of.
'Five years on the roll, manipulation of the system and the only support given is from an NGO, GBV is out of control,' he said.
Court backlogs a nightmare for victims
Criminal law expert Cornelia van Graan said this matter was one of many and, daily, court cases are postponed for long periods. Backlogs at courts and procedural requirements were a nightmare for every victim.
'The court is bound by the victims charter which states that they have the right to be treated with fairness and with respect for dignity and privacy; the right to be attended to promptly and courteously; and treated with respect for your dignity and privacy by all members of any department, institution, agency or organisation or service provider.
ALSO READ: Join us in the fight against GBV
'The police [during the investigations], the prosecutors and court officials [during preparation for and during the trial proceedings] and all other service providers will take measures to minimise any inconvenience to you by, among others, conducting interviews with you in your language of choice and in private, if necessary,' she said.
Van Graan said these measures should prevent people from being subjected to secondary victimisation.
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While the principle of 'innocent until proven guilty' remains a foundational pillar of any just society, and must rightly apply to Malcolm X, his arrest nonetheless exposes troubling dynamics within South Africa's governance and policing spheres. That an individual facing such serious allegations could simultaneously maintain access to the upper echelons of law enforcement and political elites forces a reckoning with how proximity to power can erode ideals of impartiality and accountability. This is not a judgment of guilt, but a reflection on the architecture of influence and the uncomfortable entanglement of those entrusted with public service. Institutional authority increasingly appears to be governed less by merit and integrity than by informal networks, favouring economies, and a culture where access supersedes accountability. Regardless of the legal outcome, the plausibility of such access calls into question the integrity of systems meant to be impartial and reveals how fragile the boundary remains between protector and perpetrator. What remains troubling and a cause for concern is how Malcolm X obtained direct access to the highest levels of the Directorate for Priority Crime Investigation (DPCI). According to Lebeya, Malcolm X was regarded as an informant based on prior interactions. Malcolm X, however, categorically rejects this label, asserting that he met Lebeya only once, a meeting he claims to have documented with a photograph, which was also published in the ANG report. This contradiction introduces the first ambiguity surrounding his role and relationship with law enforcement. Secondly, Malcolm X remains vague about the identity of the individual who contacted him to intervene. He describes the person only as a 'longstanding client' for whom he offers unspecified 'consulting services,' offering no clarity on the nature of these services or how they qualify him to insert himself into sensitive police matters. He inconsistently refers to the client as KT Molefe's 'brother' and later as a close 'friend,' leaving the actual connection unclear. To explain the brother-friend conundrum, X resorts to philosophy in an attempt to deflect 702 anchor Manyatela's direct question. Thirdly, General Lebeya's version adds further complexity. He confirms receiving a call from someone, now known to be Malcolm X, inquiring about the presence of Hawks officers at a residence, and that the caller described Molefe as a 'friend.' Both Lebeya and X, however, vehemently deny any personal acquaintance with Molefe. Despite this, X claims to have driven to Molefe's residence after receiving the address from his client, where he reportedly encountered around 40 people and began questioning them about their affiliations. As for Lebeya, despite his knowledge of standard arrest procedures, which included the issuance of a warrant, he still chose to dispatch Hawks members to the scene. Why would Lebeya, a seasoned police officer and leader of the Hawks, engage in this? What compels him to be open to such action, especially given his familiarity with legal protocols? This conduct raises serious legal and ethical questions: By what authority did Malcolm X believe he could interfere in a police operation, particularly one involving a person he claims not to know? Fourthly, a report by Bianca Binase for Africa News Global notes: 'Malcolm X insisted that Mkhwanazi must have known it was him (X) who had called Lebeya, because he (X) made a call to Lebeya and put him on speakerphone while the team Mkhwanazi had sent to effect the arrest were listening.' X appears more than comfortable questioning on-duty officers about their directives. Why would he feel entitled to act this way? What informs his belief that he holds a rightful role in the arrest process, especially when he claims no connection to Molefe? Former head of the Hawks Lieutenant-General Godfrey Lebeya. Image: GCIS Ordinarily, police effecting an arrest at a private residence do so under the authority of a duly issued warrant. The existence of such a warrant provides them with legal standing, regardless of who is involved. If such a warrant were in place, on what grounds did Malcolm X believe he could question the arrest or its legitimacy? Interfering in the execution of a lawful arrest, especially by a party not directly involved, can constitute a criminal offence. A plausible explanation lies in Malcolm X's perceived or actual access to General Lebeya. This relationship, if exercised casually, raises concerns about privilege, institutional credibility, and the politicisation of law enforcement. In the fifth instance, Malcolm X admitted in an interview that he first tried to contact Minister Bheki Cele directly. When that failed, he called General Lebeya. This points to an extraordinary level of access to South Africa's security hierarchy. Malcolm X downplayed this by claiming such individuals are 'ordinary people' and thus accessible. Yet, this attempt to normalise access belies the larger implications. Pressed by a 702 radio anchor about WhatsApp conversations between himself and Lebeya, Malcolm X insisted these had nothing to do with KT Molefe. In the sixth instance, following Lebeya's public remarks, Malcolm X contacted him again to question why his name had not been disclosed. Lebeya cited the Protection of Personal Information Act (POPIA), saying he needed Malcolm X's consent. Malcolm X then attempted to reach Mkhwanazi to "correct" what he saw as a misrepresentation—that Mkhwanazi knew it was he who contacted Lebeya. However, it appears no direct conversation between them occurred. Malcolm X later claimed that the idea of publicly naming himself as the caller originated with him and that he passed this suggestion to Kenny Kunene. He stated that he encouraged Kunene to break the story and identify him. Given Kunene's media interests, including Weekly Xposé, Africa News 24-7 (now Africa News Global), it is plausible he would seize such a story. Malcolm X's insistence on being recognised as the person who called Lebeya, and his later frustration at not being publicly acknowledged, suggests a deeper psychological and political dynamic: the performance of proximity to power. In South Africa, where access often masquerades as authority, Malcolm X seems to draw credibility from being seen as present and pivotal. His conduct points to a strategy of influence-as-performance, not merely to aid a legal process, but to establish indispensability. Being left unnamed is, for him, not protection but erasure. While it may be premature to draw definitive conclusions, the possibility that Malcolm X is leveraging this controversy for personal or reputational gain cannot be dismissed. His repeated statements that he would 'force his way' to testify before the Madlanga Commission suggest a fixation on visibility over accountability.

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