Civics education has long been neglected in Oklahoma schools to the detriment of our society
Ever since I was a child, Oklahoma schools have struggled in terms of teaching history and civics.
Even when I was too young to understand what Joseph McCarthy's 'Red Scare' was, I could sense that educators remained intimidated by what I learned was rightwing propaganda. And when I became a teacher at John Marshall High School in the early 1990s, school systems were pressured to use Texas-approved textbooks that were designed to comply with the teach-to-the-test mindset fostered by the Reagan administration's 'A Nation at Risk' campaign.
After the House Bill 1017, known as the Education Reform Act of 1990, however, our teachers saw incremental improvements in teaching and learning – even in government classes. But, the Bush administration's No Child Left Behind Act of 2001, and the Obama administration's Every Student Succeeds Act of 2015 especially undercut civics instruction.
As districts were forced to focus on math and reading test scores, social studies was largely ignored.
Although I was actively involved in resisting data-driven, competition-driven reforms, I must admit that I was too diplomatic when defending civics. I silently worried that our abandonment of social studies could be the most destructive result of corporate school reforms. But I was reluctant to criticize colleagues who gave up on the fight, and I didn't say aloud that our failure to teach government and history could help undermine American democracy.
Today, however, our democracy is clearly in danger. At a time, for instance, when a president claims that he can seek a third term and seems to think he can ignore federal courts, a solid understanding of the Constitution is necessary.
Moreover, today's students are anxious and feel disengaged and powerless in a world challenged by rapid changes in the climate, demography and technology.
Fortunately, Lindsey Cormack's 'How to Raise a Citizen (And Why It's Up to You to Do It)' gives me hope. She offers practical – and bipartisan – approaches for discussing political issues and governmental processes that are very similar to what worked in John Marshall classrooms.
And guess what? Cormack doesn't dump the entire challenge on schools and educators. Cormack builds on the traditions of parents taking on the role of discussing government and politics at the dinner table and encouraging their children to get involved in community and local government activities.
The book reminds me about the ways my high school students, their communities and I taught each other how to actively participate in our democracy. Our academics shifted focus during presidential or mid-term elections, or when state or local politics dominated the headlines, or even when extreme events, like the Oklahoma City bombing, 9/11, or wars in Iraq and Afghanistan occurred.
When English classes started reading Ralph Ellison's 'The Invisible Man,' I would teach about his experiences growing up in Oklahoma City. The students were especially insightful when guest lecturers visited, and during field trips to places like art museums, the 'Deep Deuce,' where Ellison grew up, and the state Capitol. This was especially true when a veteran of the Sit-In movement joined us in repeated trips to the Capitol. Legislators were always enthralled by the students' wisdom.
Above all, student saw high-level instruction as a sign of respect, and responded by learning in a holistic and meaningful way.
But in recent years, I've seen a shift in how we teach because of corporate school reformers teach-to-the-test mandates.
It was only a few years ago, I was so hopeful that schools, families and communities would come together so we could nurture a commitment to civics education and our 21st century democracy.
Now, I worry that our failures to teach civics and history have helped undermine our society's commitment to political institutions.
I fear lawmakers will be unable to gather the courage to stand up to rightwing attacks on schools by state Superintendent Ryan Walters and his supporters that aim to mandate history standards such as 'identifying discrepancies in the 2020 election,' the 'halting of ballot-counting in select cities,' 'the security risks of mail-in balloting' and 'the unprecedented contradiction of 'bellwether county' trends.'
I'm also concerned that our leaders won't have the gumption to push back against the Trump administration's focus on defunding promising education and nonprofit programs.
Because it will take a village and diverse strategies to build on our communities' strengths and to raise and educate our children.
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Best known nationally for being the first Democrat to call on Joe Biden to drop out of the presidential race last summer, Doggett said he thinks his own seniority is an asset to Austin. In his call for Biden to step down, Doggett said the then-president should 'encourage a new generation of leaders' — an irony some Austin Democrats have noted. Doggett has said his thinking on Biden was related to ability, not age. Tenure is the coin of the realm in Congress, where the most powerful committee posts go to members who have been there the longest. Doggett is the second-most senior Democrat on the Ways and Means Committee — the influential tax-writing panel — and the ranking member on its Health subcommittee. If Democrats win the House in 2026, Doggett would likely chair the subcommittee, which oversees policy dealing with health insurance and health care costs. 'When I talk about the importance of that seniority, it is in terms of being able to have a say on the vast majority of decisions that affect folks here in Austin, in their pocketbooks particularly,' Doggett said. The longtime Austin Democrat also said his push for Casar to run in the 35th District is about Democrats holding onto as many seats as possible. He noted that his email to supporters did not contain "the slightest criticism of Greg." 'I'm just hoping that [Casar] will ultimately decide that the fight against Trump is the most important fight, and that he will help us win that district,' Doggett said. 'I will join with enthusiasm, supporting him in that effort.' Democrats agree that they want strong candidates in each seat, but disagree about who should run in each. One Austin Democrat, granted anonymity to speak candidly, said Austinites remain enthusiastic about Doggett's long record and agreed that Casar would have the best chance to win the San Antonio seat. But another local Democrat suggested Doggett should be the one to run in the 35th District. Republicans may have drawn the battlefield, but it would be advantageous for Doggett, a well-funded Democrat with high name recognition, to close his career battling a Republican and making way for a younger member like Casar, the Democrat said. What Doggett is asking of Casar could be career-ending for a young progressive with a national profile. The newly drawn 35th Congressional District not only voted for Trump; even in the strong Democratic year of 2018, Sen. Ted Cruz would have narrowly carried it had it existed then. 'Greg leaving Austin to run in this new south Texas seat would deprive Austin of Greg's voice and growing influence as new chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, and it would undercut Democrats' chance to win in the new south Texas seat by running a candidate with deep ties to that community,' Trinh, Casar's chief of staff, wrote in her email to supporters. Unpacking the race If it comes to a primary, Doggett's model of decades-long retail politicking could be pitted against Casar's background in labor organizing and city government. In interviews with more than a dozen politicos in Austin, Democrats said that both Doggett and Casar have attentively maintained relationships across local politics. Doggett has not faced a competitive race in years. But he has a large war chest and a long history of delivering constituent services. '[Doggett's] got a bit of Jake Pickle in him,' said Bill Aleshire, a former Democratic Travis County judge who now considers himself an independent. 'I think he kind of likes campaigning. You make him campaign, shit, he'll just go campaign.' Multiple Democratic operatives said Casar, given his national profile, should be able to raise significant funds if needed. He would start the race at a financial disadvantage to Doggett, with just over $450,000 in his campaign account at last count. Numerous Democrats lamented that such a battle was happening at all. Doggett, one statewide Democratic operative noted, is still 'razor sharp' and has been a fixture on the Travis County ballot for decades, while Casar is 'one of the most talented, capable voices' in the state. 'I think a lot of hearts will be with Casar and a lot of money would be on Doggett,' the operative said. For the local elected officials and Democratic groups who have relationships with both, it could get awkward quickly — and detract from their decades-long mission of electing a Democrat statewide, particularly in next year's U.S. Senate race. But four Democrats active in Austin politics pointed out that attention may be the deciding factor. Turnout in Casar's old north-central Austin City Council district was typically lower than that of other districts — meaning he would need to turn out lower-propensity voters to win. 'I do think Lloyd has to want low turnout,' the Democratic operative said. 'And Greg's going to have to push his younger, more diverse voters out at a higher rate. That's going to be difficult.' A primary between the two could also be a microcosm of divides between whiter, wealthier West Austin and younger, working-class East Austin. Those cleavages were laid bare in the city's 2022 mayoral race. Younger voters, especially the large population of transplants, could determine the outcome. Austin experienced rapid growth during the pandemic; many newer Austinites are younger and less familiar with Doggett's longstanding presence. 'The largest electorate we have [in Travis County] is between the ages of 18 to 35,' one Democratic activist said. 'That could make or break a race, depending on how outreach is done, but I think Greg is in a better position to reach out to younger voters.' But Doggett thinks he can capture young voters as well. Though it has been a long time since he has faced a competitive campaign, numerous Austin Democrats said he has a proven model of retail politicking and previously represented some East Austin voters who would be folded into the new 37th District. And Doggett noted he has knocked doors for Democrats around the city over the years — including a familiar one. 'I believe in engaging young people,' he said. 'That's one of the reasons I went out and campaigned in the rain, block-to-block, for a young Greg Casar when he first ran for the City Council.' More all-star speakers confirmed for The Texas Tribune Festival, Nov. 13–15! This year's lineup just got even more exciting with the addition of State Rep. Caroline Fairly, R-Amarillo; former United States Attorney General Eric Holder; Abby Phillip, anchor of 'CNN NewsNight'; Aaron Reitz, 2026 Republican candidate for Texas Attorney General; and State Rep. James Talarico, D-Austin. Get your tickets today! TribFest 2025 is presented by JPMorganChase.
