
Israel walks back its account of Gaza medic killings after video surfaces of attack
The military initially said it opened fire because the vehicles were "advancing suspiciously" on nearby troops without headlights or emergency signals. An Israeli military official, speaking late Saturday on condition of anonymity in line with regulations, said that account was "mistaken."
The footage shows the Red Crescent and Civil Defense teams driving slowly with their emergency vehicles' lights flashing, logos visible, as they pulled up to help an ambulance that had come under fire earlier. The teams do not appear to be acting unusually or in a threatening manner as three medics emerge and head toward the stricken ambulance.
Their vehicles immediately come under a barrage of gunfire, which goes on for more than five minutes with brief pauses. The owner of the phone can be heard praying.
"Forgive me, mother. This is the path I chose, mother, to help people," he cries, his voice weak.
Eight Red Crescent personnel, six Civil Defense workers and a U.N. staffer were killed in the shooting before dawn on March 23 by Israeli troops conducting operations in Tel al-Sultan, a district of the southern Gaza city of Rafah. Troops then bulldozed over the bodies along with their mangled vehicles, burying them in a mass grave. U.N. and rescue workers were only able to reach the site a week later to dig out the bodies.
The Palestinian Red Crescent Society's vice president, Marwan Jilani, said the phone with the footage was found in the pocket of one of its slain staffers. The Palestinian ambassador to the United Nations distributed the video to the U.N. Security Council. The Associated Press obtained the video from a U.N. diplomat on condition of anonymity because it has not been made public.
One paramedic who survived, Munzer Abed, confirmed the veracity of the video to the AP. Two block-shaped concrete structures visible in the video are also seen in a U.N. video released Sunday showing the recovery of the bodies from the site — a sign they are in the same location.
Asked about the video, the Israeli military said Saturday that the incident was "under thorough examination."
The head of the Palestinian Red Crescent Society, Younes Al-Khatib, called for an independent investigation. "We don't trust any of the army investigations," he told a briefing at the U.N. on Friday.
One medic, Assaad al-Nassasra, is still missing, the Red Crescent says. Abed said he saw al-Nassasra being led away blindfolded by Israeli troops. Al-Khatib said the organization has asked the military where it is holding the staffer.
Al-Khatib said the slain men had been "targeted at close range" and that a forensic autopsy report would be released soon.
Israel has accused Hamas of moving and hiding its fighters inside ambulances and emergency vehicles, as well as in hospitals and other civilian infrastructure, arguing that justifies strikes on them. Medical personnel largely deny the accusations.
Israeli strikes have killed more than 150 emergency responders from the Red Crescent and Civil Defense, most of them while on duty, as well as over 1,000 health workers, according to the U.N. The Israeli military rarely investigates such incidents.
Ambulances started heading to Tel al-Sultan at around 3:50 a.m. on March 23, responding to reports of wounded, Jilani said. The first ambulance returned safely with at least one casualty, he said. But, he said, subsequent ambulances came under fire.
His hands trembling, Abed told the AP on Saturday that as his ambulance entered the area, its siren lights were on. "All of a sudden, I am telling you, there was direct shooting at us," so intense that the vehicle ground to a stop, he said.
A 10-year veteran of the Red Crescent, Abed said he was sitting in the back seat and ducked to the floor. He said he could hear nothing from his two colleagues in the front seat — the only others in the vehicle. They appear to have been killed instantly.
Israeli troops, some with night goggles, dragged Abed out of the ambulance and onto the ground, he said. They made him strip to his underwear, beat him all over his body with their rifle butts, then tied his hands behind his back, he said.
They interrogated him, asking him about his paramedic training and how many people were in the ambulance with him, he said. One soldier pressed the muzzle of his automatic rifle into his neck. Another pressed his knife blade into Abed's palm, almost cutting it, until a third soldier pulled them away and warned Abed, "They're crazy."
Abed said he witnessed them opening fire on the next vehicles to arrive. Soldiers forced him onto his stomach and pressed a gun into his back, he said, and amid the shooting in the darkness, so he could only see two Civil Defense vehicles.
The phone video shows a rescue convoy of Red Crescent and Civil Defense vehicles that was sent out after contact was lost with the stricken ambulance. Taken from the dashboard of one vehicle, it shows several ambulances and a fire truck moving down a road through a barren area in the darkness. The emergency lights on their roofs are flashing the entire way.
They arrive at an ambulance on the side of the road and stop next to it, their lights still flashing. No Israeli troops are visible.
"Lord, let them be OK," a man in the car says. Then he cries out, "They're tossed around on the ground!" — apparently referring to bodies. Three men in orange Civil Defense clothing can be seen getting out of the vehicles and walking toward the stopped ambulance.
A shot rings out and one of the men appears to fall. Gunfire erupts.
The man holding the phone appears to scramble out of the car and onto the ground, but the screen goes black, though the audio continues. The gunfire goes on for nearly five and a half minutes, with long, heavy barrages followed by silences punctuated by individual shots and shouts and screams.
Throughout, the man with the phone says over and over, "There is no God but God and Muhammad is God's prophet" — the profession of faith that Muslims say when they fear they are about to die. Near the end of the six-minute, 40-second video, voices can be heard shouting in Hebrew. "The Jews are coming," the man said, referring to Israeli soldiers, before the video cuts off.
The Israeli military official asserted there was "no mistreatment," and said he didn't know why the vehicles had been buried. He had no information about the medic who remained missing.
The Israeli military says that after the shooting, troops determined they had killed a Hamas figure named Mohammed Amin Shobaki and eight other militants. However, none of the 15 slain medics has that name, and no other bodies are known to have been found at the site.
The military has not said what happened to Shobaki's body or released the names of the other alleged militants. The Israeli military official said Israel was "working to bring evidence" that Hamas operatives were killed.
Jonathan Whittall, interim head in Gaza of the U.N. humanitarian office OCHA, dismissed allegations that the slain medics were Hamas militants, saying staff had worked with the same medics previously in evacuating patients from hospitals and other tasks.
"These are paramedic crews that I personally have met before," he said. "They were buried in their uniforms with their gloves on. They were ready to save lives."

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
40 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Further Hamas ambushes to kidnap IDF soldiers expected, IDF officials say
Contrary to claims by officers that terrorists are not operating in an organized framework in areas captured by the IDF, Hamas operatives managed to attempt an organized operation in Khan Yunis. IDF Southern Command officials assessed on Wednesday that more attacks similar to the one in the Khan Yunis sector, which surprised troops from the Kfir Brigade, are expected. Although the IDF claimed that Hamas no longer functions as a military force in areas captured by Israel, an organized-level terrorist attack was nevertheless carried out on Wednesday. Military sources estimated that evening that Hamas and other terrorist organizations in the Gaza Strip would attempt to launch attacks on IDF posts in the buffer zone. Military Intelligence Directorate and Shin Bet officials determined that the leading possible course of action in the Strip during the current fighting will be attacks on forces in posts and areas where troops are stationed, until the launch of the operation to capture Gaza City. Security officials added that in recent months, attacks planned in a similar format were foiled in Gaza thanks to precise intelligence provided to the IDF. Every active Hamas battalion or comparable terror unit operates independently under the direction of the military wing's senior command, according to assessments from officers in the Southern Command. These terrorist formations wait inside tunnels, supported by lookouts in buildings who supply them with food and information. Just this past week, active tunnels used by Hamas were identified and destroyed. Officials further assessed that this waiting posture of the terrorists will pose a challenge to the IDF during the operation to capture Gaza City. Therefore, they estimated that entry into the city's core will be particularly aggressive and accompanied by heavy fire. Exploiting a vulnerability in battle In recent months, senior officers had argued that Hamas's military wing no longer operates as a functioning army in captured areas. However, today Hamas exploited a vulnerability against an elite IDF force deep inside Palestinian territory in Khan Yunis, carrying out an attack at an organized level. Military officials assessed that behind the roughly 20 terrorists who took part in the battle, there were backup forces providing surveillance and intelligence on the area, alongside a command post operating nearby. 'The terrorists were equipped with combat gear that resembled the quality of October 7,' said one officer present at the scene. 'The terrorists were not supposed to breach the structure where the soldiers were located. This requires an in-depth investigation. "Hamas managed to concentrate its effort and nearly overwhelmed a unit. The proximity of the tunnel shaft from which the terrorists emerged in complete surprise raises the assessment that they intended to kidnap soldiers. The mutual support between IDF forces in the field repelled the attack.' The incident occurred on Wednesday when Hamas operatives attacked a position manned by the Haruv Reconnaissance Unit, part of the Kfir Brigade, in Khan Yunis. The terrorists opened fire with machine guns and anti-tank missiles. A battle between IDF troops and the terrorists ensued for several minutes. One soldier was severely wounded, and two others were lightly wounded. Ten terrorists were killed, some due to Air Force assistance. In the end, the IDF succeeded in repelling the attack. A Southern Command military source said the terrorists who carried out the attack intended to kidnap soldiers. 'Hamas has moved up a level; it is increasing its friction with the IDF,' the source said. 'We are preparing for additional incidents.' Solve the daily Crossword


Boston Globe
8 hours ago
- Boston Globe
Israel is making sure there is no one to document the horror of its war
Since the gruesome Hamas attack on Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, that killed about 1,200 Israelis, Israel has waged a pitiless war in Gaza. More than 62,000 people have been killed, including some 18,500 children, according to local health authorities in what is considered by many experts to be an undercount. Most of the tiny enclave is now rubble; almost all of Gaza's 2 million people have been forced to flee their homes, many repeatedly. Since Israel ended the latest ceasefire in March, it has sharply curtailed the amount of humanitarian aid reaching Gaza. Most of its population, according to the United Nations, is experiencing or staring down starvation. Advertisement Amid so much suffering, the targeting of a single journalist may seem like an individual tragedy. But coming as Israel begins an all-out assault to capture Gaza City and as Benjamin Netanyahu has said he intends to occupy all of Gaza in the face of growing global condemnation, the killing of al-Sharif, like the killing in March of his fellow Al Jazeera correspondent Hossam Shabat, marks an ominous new phase in the war. Advertisement To justify its pitiless pulverizing of Gaza, Israel has endlessly invoked the threat of Hamas, supposedly lurking in schools, hospitals, homes and mosques. Now it has begun not only accusing individual journalists of being Hamas fighters but also openly admitting to killing them in targeted attacks, based on purported evidence that is all but impossible to verify. With Gaza closed to international journalists, this new campaign has created a pretext to eliminate the remaining journalists with the platform to bear witness and terrify anyone brave enough to attempt to take the place of the fallen. It has also exposed the cruel logic at the heart of Israel's prosecution of the war: If Hamas is everywhere, then every Palestinian in Gaza is Hamas. This is truly a war with no limits, and soon there may be no journalists left to document its horror. I have long been awed by the work of journalists who find their own homeland under attack. I spent years in war zones as a foreign correspondent, working alongside some of the bravest and finest journalists I've ever encountered. We were engaged in the same work, fundamentally: trying to help the world understand seemingly incomprehensible suffering. As an American employed by an American news organization, I stood on the same front lines in Congo, in Darfur, in Kashmir and elsewhere. But I would fly home to safety, while they would remain, struggling along with everyone else to survive. Advertisement We differed in another important way as well. I chose and pursued a career in journalism. For many reporters from war zones, the profession chose them. This was the story of Mohammed Mhawish, a young man from Gaza City. When Hamas attacked Israel, he was dreaming of a career in the arts. He had graduated from the Islamic University in Gaza, where he studied English and creative writing, and hoped to write literature and poetry. Instead, he found himself working as a journalist for Al Jazeera's English-language service. 'It was a feeling of obligation to my people and a responsibility to my hometown that was being destroyed in real time,' he told me. 'I never imagined myself being given the responsibility or assigned the responsibility to be writing through destruction and death and loss and tragedy.' Gaza City is a small place, so he got to know al-Sharif as they both struggled to cover the catastrophe unfolding around them. 'He was this really brave young person,' Mhawish told me. Before the war, his work had focused on culture and ordinary life. 'He reported on families having hope, families getting married, people celebrating life accomplishments, people just enjoying life on a daily basis. He never wanted or aspired to be a correspondent carrying a responsibility for his entire people.' Advertisement The work took a toll on al-Sharif. 'I remember many times where he was in public and sometimes personally with other colleagues of his in Gaza, just saying how hungry he was,' Mhawish said. 'How tired, how exhausted, how terrified and how scared -- he was really scared all the time. He was feeling that he was being watched and he's being hunted and he's being targeted.' Under international law, journalists are considered civilians. But since the beginning of the war in Gaza, at least 192 journalists have been killed, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists (I'm on the organization's board). 'At some point, I had to abandon my press vest because it no longer provided me with the protection that I was seeking,' Mhawish told me. 'In fact, it functioned as a target on my back.' Mhawish left Gaza last year. Al-Sharif's death, coming after so many threats from Israeli military officials, was an especially devastating blow. 'At the end of the day, he chose to give the sacrifice of his life,' Mhawish said. 'I am really, really tired of grieving my friends and colleagues.' When the Saudi government murdered Jamal Khashoggi, a dissident columnist who wrote for The Washington Post, inside its consulate in Turkey, it created a global outcry. Russia's detention and killing of journalists have likewise provoked outpourings of support. If the governments bother to concoct accusations - of espionage and other crimes - to justify these heinous acts against working journalists, they are usually dismissed out of hand as the ravings of autocratic regimes bent on destroying free speech. The response to al-Sharif's killing, like that of scores of other Palestinian journalists, has been different -- more muted, more likely to give equal weight to Israeli accusations despite the lack of verifiable evidence. Mhawish told me he was dismayed to see so many news organizations around the world parrot Israeli claims that his friend was killed because he was a Hamas militant. 'What's heartbreaking about this is that it tells me that there are journalists in the world who are justifying the killing of other journalists,' he said. Advertisement This is another respect in which I, as a foreign journalist, was always perceived differently from the local journalists who worked alongside me in war zones. They knew far more than I did about events unfolding in their homeland. They understood how to move safely through dangerous territory and possessed essential contacts and expertise that helped enrich my coverage. Ideally, this leads to mutually beneficial and symbiotic relationships between local journalists and their international counterparts, who often hire locals to improve their coverage. But in some places, what might be seen as expertise comes to be viewed as something darker. As a foreigner, I tend to be seen as a neutral outside observer. A local reporter, embedded in her community and enduring the same hardships as her fellow citizens, comes under more scrutiny. She cannot help being blinkered, the thinking goes, by her own suffering and root for one side in the conflict she is covering. She is, surely, a partisan. In the remarkable new documentary '2000 Meters to Andriivka,' a pair of Ukrainian journalists accompany a group of Ukrainian soldiers through a narrow band of forest as they seek to recapture a village from Russian forces. It is a claustrophobic, harrowing film, unfolding in bunkers and foxholes. At one point the film's director, the Pulitzer- and Oscar-winning filmmaker Mstyslav Chernov, notes the parallel between himself, the journalist, and the young officer he is interviewing. Advertisement The soldier, Chernov says, picked up a rifle, while he picked up a camera. Through different means, each man sought to stand up for the dignity and sovereignty of Ukraine's people. Were Chernov, who works for The Associated Press, to be targeted or smeared by the Russian state, journalists the world over would not hesitate to rally to his side and dismiss any allegations against him as propaganda. I would be among the first to join any crusade on his behalf. It is in this context that we must consider Israel's contention that al-Sharif was a Hamas militant. The evidence offered to the public is weak, consisting of screenshots of spreadsheets, purported service numbers and old payments that have not been independently verified. 'The Israeli military seems to be making accusations without any substantive evidence as a license to kill journalists,' said Irene Khan, the United Nations' special rapporteur on freedom of opinion and expression, when a different Israeli airstrike killed another Al Jazeera journalist and his cameraman last year. Al-Sharif reported on their deaths. In interviews before his own death, al-Sharif pleaded for help and safety. 'All of this is happening because my coverage of the crimes of the Israeli occupation in the Gaza Strip harms them and damages their image in the world,' he told the Committee to Protect Journalists. 'They accuse me of being a terrorist because the occupation wants to assassinate me morally.' Even if one takes Israel's allegations at face value -- which I absolutely do not, given Israel's track record -- and entertain the idea that in 2013, at the age of 17, al-Sharif joined Hamas in some form, what are we to make of that choice? Hamas at that time had been the governing authority of his homeland since 2006. It ran the entire state apparatus of a tiny enclave. 'It is a movement with a vast social infrastructure,' Tareq Baconi, the author of a book about Hamas, has written, 'connected to many Palestinians who are unaffiliated with either the movement's political or military platforms.' Take it further and contemplate, based on Israel's supposed evidence, that al-Sharif had played some military role before becoming a journalist. The history of war correspondence is replete with examples of fighters turned reporters -- indeed perhaps the most famous among them, George Orwell, recorded soldiers' lives while fighting in the Spanish Civil War and became a war correspondent. These days, having served in the military is widely seen as an asset among American war reporters. Far from seeing those who served as hopelessly biased, editors rightly value the expertise and perspective these reporters bring from their experiences and trust them to prioritize their new role as journalistic observers. In Israel most young people are required to serve in the military, so military experience is common among journalists. Many will protest that Hamas is different from the military of a state. This is true. Long before its gruesome attack on Israel on Oct. 7, it engaged in horrifying terror tactics like suicide bombings that targeted civilians. Many countries, including the United States, consider it a terrorist organization. But it was the accepted authority in Gaza. Indeed, the uncomfortable truth is that Hamas owes much of its strength to Netanyahu's cynical policies, which, as the Times reported in 2023, included tacit support designed to prop up Hamas as a counterweight to the Palestinian Authority. As late as September of that year, the month before Hamas attacked Israel, his government welcomed the flow of millions of dollars to Hamas via Qatar. 'Even as the Israeli military obtained battle plans for a Hamas invasion and analysts observed significant terrorism exercises just over the border in Gaza, the payments continued,' my newsroom colleagues wrote. 'For years, Israeli intelligence officers even escorted a Qatari official into Gaza, where he doled out money from suitcases filled with millions of dollars.' Freud theorized that hysterics were an extreme version of ordinary people experiencing outsize distress in exceptional circumstances. In this way, journalists are an extreme version of the curious person who lingers and tries to figure out what's going on when everyone else, sensing danger, has packed up their curiosity and gone home. What are journalists but unusual people who decide on society's behalf to witness the unbearable? They set aside their personal safety, and perhaps find strange thrills in the horrors of the work they do and the things that they witness. There can be a kind of moral deformity in this, to be sure, but it's an important and socially recognized role. Someone's got to send word back into history. In this regard, journalists are actually not that different from soldiers. Soldiers, after all, are ordinary people given minimal training, mostly how to use their equipment and the tactical ways that one does the job. And then they set off to do a monstrous task on behalf of the rest of us, something most of us cannot possibly imagine doing. This strange and seldom acknowledged kinship is what permits a pall of suspicion to fall over the work of journalists in war zones, especially local ones, who cannot help being caught up in the events unfolding around them. Using their chosen instruments and medium, they are engaged in a struggle to protect their home and their people. It is easy to see how the other side will seek to cast them as combatants, even if they carry no weapons. But that does not mean we should believe them. This article originally appeared in The New York Times.


NBC News
11 hours ago
- NBC News
Rwanda-backed rebels killed over 140 civilians in eastern Congo, rights group says
DAKAR, Senegal — Rwanda-backed rebels killed at least 140 people in farming communities in eastern Congo in July, Human Rights Watch said in a report Wednesday, describing the killings as 'summary executions.' The group said 141 people, predominantly ethnic Hutus, were feared dead or missing after the attacks near Virunga National Park in North Kivu province, citing local experts and witness accounts. It said the killings appeared to be part of a military campaign by the M23 group, the most prominent of more than 100 armed groups in mineral-rich eastern Congo, against the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a mostly Hutu armed group. Nearly 2 million Hutus from Rwanda fled to Congo after the 1994 Rwandan genocide that killed 800,000 Tutsi, moderate Hutus and others. Rwandan authorities have accused Hutus who fled of participating in the genocide, alleging that the Congolese army protected them. The United States and others have been trying to achieve a permanent ceasefire since fighting between the M23 and Congolese forces escalated in January with the M23's seizure of two key cities. U.S. President Donald Trump this week asserted he had 'ended six wars' including this one, but experts say his impact isn't as clear cut as he claims. The U.N. has called the decades-old conflict in eastern Congo 'one of the most protracted, complex, serious humanitarian crises on Earth.' The Human Rights Watch report says the Rwanda Defense Force was involved in the M23 operations it describes, citing U.N. and military sources and witness accounts. There was no immediate comment from the Rwandan government. 'The M23 armed group, which has Rwandan government backing, attacked over a dozen villages and farming areas in July and committed dozens of summary executions of primarily Hutu civilians,' said Clementine de Montjoye, senior researcher at Human Rights Watch. Witnesses said M23 soldiers, accompanied by Rwandan soldiers who were identified by their accents, told them to 'immediately bury the bodies in the fields or leave them unburied, preventing families from organizing funerals,' the report said. One woman described being marched in a group to a riverbank near the town of Kafuru. The group of around 70 people was lined up before the soldiers began shooting at them. Forty-seven of the dead, including children, were identified, the report added. Willy Ngoma, military spokesperson for M23, called the report 'military propaganda.' M23 was previously accused of extrajudicial killings during its seizure of major cities earlier this year. A separate report by Amnesty International on Wednesday said the rights group found that both M23 and Congolese government-sponsored militias regularly committed mass atrocities and sexual violence against civilians, including gang rape. 'Rwanda and (Congo) cannot continue shunning responsibility; they must hold all perpetrators accountable,' said Tigere Chagutah, Amnesty International's regional director for East and Southern Africa.