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Togo: Gnassingbé dynasty faces youth-led protests – DW – 06/26/2025

Togo: Gnassingbé dynasty faces youth-led protests – DW – 06/26/2025

DW5 hours ago

Togo's opposition plans further rallies after earlier anti-government protests led to dozens of arrests. Many, especially young people, reject a new order which could allow Faure Gnassingbe to stay in power for good.
The "Hands Off My Constitution" coalition of civic groups and opposition leaders in Togo has called for further protests in the coming days to oppose what it has referred to as a "constitutional coup."
Since the introduction of a new political structure in June, President Faure Gnassingbe can now remain at the helm of the country without any term limits.
According to Ulf Laessing of the German Konrad Adenauer Foundation (KAS), as well as an increasingly disenchanted opposition, many Togolese are concerned about a recent surge in prices.
"The hike in electricity prices was kind of the trigger of these protests, which broadly target the presidential family, Gnassingbe, which has been in power for 60 years," Laessing told DW.
"There have been protests before, but this [one] looks relatively large. But it's impossible to say where it's going," he added.
A clampdown on dissent saw over 80 people arrested earlier in June during the first round of days-long rallies. Police reportedly used tear gas against crowds.
Activists also reported dozens of people had said they had been mistreated by security forces.
"Several people were beaten during their arrest," Aime Adi, director of Amnesty International's office in Togo, told in mid-June.
Press freedom is also under attack: Earlier in June, French international broadcasters RFI and France 24 were suspended for three months for an alleged lack of impartiality in their coverage of the protests.
A journalist from French public broadcaster TV5 was even held without charge at a police station for several hours, during which time authorities reportedly deleted footage she had filmed at a rally.
One of the smaller states in Africa, Togo has been a republic for 65 years after gaining independence from France in 1960.
The country's founding years were marked by successive coup d'etats, ultimately resulting in Eyadema Gnassingbe taking over in 1967 and hanging onto power until his death in 2005. Single-party rule and a personality cult for the leader marked that era.
His son Faure succeeded him to the presidency — with staunch support of the military and repeated claims of election rigging.
"Presidential elections slated for this year were canceled last year in favor of constitutional change to allow Gnassingbe to stay in power indefinitely," said Laessing, adding that while the leader had created an image of demoting himself to "essentially a prime minister," he had consolidated more power in his new role, the President of the Council of Ministers.
Two of Togo's opposition parties, the National Alliance for Change (ANC), Democratic Forces for the Republic (FDR), have publicly demanded Gnassingbe step down, saying he "must return power to the Togolese people to whom national sovereignty belongs."
"[T]he Togolese now want the end of this regime which can no longer offer anything to the people after 20 years of absolute and repressive power of Faure Gnassingbe," a representative of "Hands Off My Constitution" meanwhile told .
Over the years, protests over the dynastic rule of the Gnassingbes have resulted in the deaths of several hundred Togolese and the displacement of thousands in the past - most notably after the 2005 elections, and following anti-government protests held in 2017.
As recent as 2024, two people were killed during protests held against the long-term ruler.
Now, in 2025, people are protesting on the streets of the capital Lome and beyond, following the final switchover to the parliamentary system last month. This time, however, they are led by the country's youth.
"Togo is a very young country. Most people are under 30," Laessing explains, adding that the protests were largely coordinated "on Facebook and social media, with young people then taking to the streets. But it doesn't seem to be very organized."
Earlier in June, initial demonstrations were instigated by local rapper Aamron — whose real name is Essowe Tchalla.
He was arrested last month just hours after urging Togolese citizens to protest in a TikTok video.
Aamron has since withdrawn the comments and has offered an apology to Gnassingbe. But Aamron has inadvertently become the face of these youth demonstrations, even though protests have been banned in Togo for the past three years following a deadly attack at Lome's main market.
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"The Togolese are aware that there will always be repression, but they have reached a point where they can no longer stop themselves from expressing their frustrations," political scientist Madji Djabakete told DW, adding that in his view, the protests to date were merely a "test" for a more structured uprising to come.
The recent change in government systems also has many outside observers worried. Four West African nations have undergone military coups in recent years, with one of them being Burkina Faso, Togo's northern neighbor.
Some fear this acceptance of strongmen tactics will embolden more conservative groups in Togo to double-down on their support for Gnassingbe in defiance of the youth-led protests.
"Military governments are quite popular with the population [in West Africa] because elections tend to produce governments that are seen as corrupt and incompetent," Laessing highlights.
"That seems to be also the case with Togo, and I think that's the reason why this presidential family has been in power for so long. Many people also back the government because they're concerned about security," he adds, pointing to a surge in jihadist insurgent activity in northern Togo spilling over from Burkina Faso.
The Togolese government under the Gnassingbe dynasty still enjoys notable support among the country's traditional chiefs. Many have affirmed their commitment to ensuring social cohesion and respect for the government by quelling dissent.
"We are well prepared to prevent any protest," said Togbui Lankivi, chief of Adakpame.
"If a demonstration is authorized, as is written in the law, we provide security. But we won't accept demonstrations here in Adakpame," Lankivi said, adding that anyone participating in the protests would be banished from the area.
Though local leaders like Lankivi have said they would not use violence to stop protests, many fear parts of the country could descend into chaos, as young protestors face off against older generations with more traditional values.
A recent survey in Togo by the independent, pan-African research network Afrobarometer found that just over half of Togolese believed their country would benefit from leaving the regional bloc ECOWAS, one of the stronger democratic institutions in the region, and joining the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), which was put together in 2023 by the junta leaders of Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger.
"There has been speculation that Togo might join [the AES]. I'm not sure that's true because it's clear Togo has a special role: They have been mediating between the AES and ECOWAS, of which Togo is still a member," Laessing told DW, stressing that Gnassingbe might want to use the country's unique position between the two blocs as leverage in the future.
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As the rallies remain slated to go ahead, Togo's public services minister announced that the protests were deemed to be illegal, as the groups supporting the "Hands Off My Constitution" coalition had not provided a formal notification to the relevant authorities.

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Togo: Gnassingbé dynasty faces youth-led protests – DW – 06/26/2025
Togo: Gnassingbé dynasty faces youth-led protests – DW – 06/26/2025

DW

time5 hours ago

  • DW

Togo: Gnassingbé dynasty faces youth-led protests – DW – 06/26/2025

Togo's opposition plans further rallies after earlier anti-government protests led to dozens of arrests. Many, especially young people, reject a new order which could allow Faure Gnassingbe to stay in power for good. The "Hands Off My Constitution" coalition of civic groups and opposition leaders in Togo has called for further protests in the coming days to oppose what it has referred to as a "constitutional coup." Since the introduction of a new political structure in June, President Faure Gnassingbe can now remain at the helm of the country without any term limits. According to Ulf Laessing of the German Konrad Adenauer Foundation (KAS), as well as an increasingly disenchanted opposition, many Togolese are concerned about a recent surge in prices. "The hike in electricity prices was kind of the trigger of these protests, which broadly target the presidential family, Gnassingbe, which has been in power for 60 years," Laessing told DW. "There have been protests before, but this [one] looks relatively large. But it's impossible to say where it's going," he added. A clampdown on dissent saw over 80 people arrested earlier in June during the first round of days-long rallies. Police reportedly used tear gas against crowds. Activists also reported dozens of people had said they had been mistreated by security forces. "Several people were beaten during their arrest," Aime Adi, director of Amnesty International's office in Togo, told in mid-June. Press freedom is also under attack: Earlier in June, French international broadcasters RFI and France 24 were suspended for three months for an alleged lack of impartiality in their coverage of the protests. A journalist from French public broadcaster TV5 was even held without charge at a police station for several hours, during which time authorities reportedly deleted footage she had filmed at a rally. One of the smaller states in Africa, Togo has been a republic for 65 years after gaining independence from France in 1960. The country's founding years were marked by successive coup d'etats, ultimately resulting in Eyadema Gnassingbe taking over in 1967 and hanging onto power until his death in 2005. Single-party rule and a personality cult for the leader marked that era. His son Faure succeeded him to the presidency — with staunch support of the military and repeated claims of election rigging. "Presidential elections slated for this year were canceled last year in favor of constitutional change to allow Gnassingbe to stay in power indefinitely," said Laessing, adding that while the leader had created an image of demoting himself to "essentially a prime minister," he had consolidated more power in his new role, the President of the Council of Ministers. Two of Togo's opposition parties, the National Alliance for Change (ANC), Democratic Forces for the Republic (FDR), have publicly demanded Gnassingbe step down, saying he "must return power to the Togolese people to whom national sovereignty belongs." "[T]he Togolese now want the end of this regime which can no longer offer anything to the people after 20 years of absolute and repressive power of Faure Gnassingbe," a representative of "Hands Off My Constitution" meanwhile told . Over the years, protests over the dynastic rule of the Gnassingbes have resulted in the deaths of several hundred Togolese and the displacement of thousands in the past - most notably after the 2005 elections, and following anti-government protests held in 2017. As recent as 2024, two people were killed during protests held against the long-term ruler. Now, in 2025, people are protesting on the streets of the capital Lome and beyond, following the final switchover to the parliamentary system last month. This time, however, they are led by the country's youth. "Togo is a very young country. Most people are under 30," Laessing explains, adding that the protests were largely coordinated "on Facebook and social media, with young people then taking to the streets. But it doesn't seem to be very organized." Earlier in June, initial demonstrations were instigated by local rapper Aamron — whose real name is Essowe Tchalla. He was arrested last month just hours after urging Togolese citizens to protest in a TikTok video. Aamron has since withdrawn the comments and has offered an apology to Gnassingbe. But Aamron has inadvertently become the face of these youth demonstrations, even though protests have been banned in Togo for the past three years following a deadly attack at Lome's main market. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video "The Togolese are aware that there will always be repression, but they have reached a point where they can no longer stop themselves from expressing their frustrations," political scientist Madji Djabakete told DW, adding that in his view, the protests to date were merely a "test" for a more structured uprising to come. The recent change in government systems also has many outside observers worried. Four West African nations have undergone military coups in recent years, with one of them being Burkina Faso, Togo's northern neighbor. Some fear this acceptance of strongmen tactics will embolden more conservative groups in Togo to double-down on their support for Gnassingbe in defiance of the youth-led protests. "Military governments are quite popular with the population [in West Africa] because elections tend to produce governments that are seen as corrupt and incompetent," Laessing highlights. "That seems to be also the case with Togo, and I think that's the reason why this presidential family has been in power for so long. Many people also back the government because they're concerned about security," he adds, pointing to a surge in jihadist insurgent activity in northern Togo spilling over from Burkina Faso. The Togolese government under the Gnassingbe dynasty still enjoys notable support among the country's traditional chiefs. Many have affirmed their commitment to ensuring social cohesion and respect for the government by quelling dissent. "We are well prepared to prevent any protest," said Togbui Lankivi, chief of Adakpame. "If a demonstration is authorized, as is written in the law, we provide security. But we won't accept demonstrations here in Adakpame," Lankivi said, adding that anyone participating in the protests would be banished from the area. Though local leaders like Lankivi have said they would not use violence to stop protests, many fear parts of the country could descend into chaos, as young protestors face off against older generations with more traditional values. A recent survey in Togo by the independent, pan-African research network Afrobarometer found that just over half of Togolese believed their country would benefit from leaving the regional bloc ECOWAS, one of the stronger democratic institutions in the region, and joining the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), which was put together in 2023 by the junta leaders of Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger. "There has been speculation that Togo might join [the AES]. I'm not sure that's true because it's clear Togo has a special role: They have been mediating between the AES and ECOWAS, of which Togo is still a member," Laessing told DW, stressing that Gnassingbe might want to use the country's unique position between the two blocs as leverage in the future. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video As the rallies remain slated to go ahead, Togo's public services minister announced that the protests were deemed to be illegal, as the groups supporting the "Hands Off My Constitution" coalition had not provided a formal notification to the relevant authorities.

Why Germany struggles to attract African skilled workers – DW – 06/26/2025
Why Germany struggles to attract African skilled workers – DW – 06/26/2025

DW

time5 hours ago

  • DW

Why Germany struggles to attract African skilled workers – DW – 06/26/2025

Opportunity cards, migration agreements, a so-called "Consular Service Portal": All these measures combined are supposed to attract foreign skilled workers to Germany. But why isn't anyone coming? Grace Ochieng (not her real name) began the visa application process a year ago to come study in Germany. "And then the insanity with the visa started," she tells DW. She already spoke German but that did not help the 26-year-old Kenyan navigate the maze of German bureaucracy. Despite holding a scholarship for her studies in International Relations, a student job confirmed and a thick folder full of documents, it took two months for her to get the necessary visa. "It should not be this way. It took an enormous toll on me and the start of my studies. Because of the visa process, some people don't make it here," she said. 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Former Interior Minister Nancy Faeser said: "We are using language skills, qualifications and experience, to attract motivated and talented people to Germany." However, most applicants find that the portal is still too slow. Germany also signed a migration deal with Kenya in 2024 to attract skilled workers, especially in nursing and hospitality. Former Chancellor Olaf Scholz said at the time of the signing that Kenya had an "unbelievable number of IT experts" who would benefit from training in Germany. Kenya is so far the only African country with which Germany has managed to reach such a migration deal – but as of late 2024, only 90 Kenyan nursing workers had come to Germany using this route. Once again, the bureaucracy involved has been the chief deterrent for many qualified applicants. At the same time, a sizable portion of visa applications under the deal have been rejected amid an overall high rejection rate of sub-Saharan visa applicants to Germany. Clara Bünger of the The Left Party raised this issue in the Bundestag, in April 2025, highlighting that in 2022, over 3,400 of 7,914 student visa applications from Nigeria, and 1,972 from 8,150 from Ghana, were denied. In 2022, Germany granted a total 50,815 visas to all Africans, of which 20,545 (40%) were for intended for employment purposes, including academics, highly skilled workers, interns, au pairs and volunteers. But from Sub-Saharan Africa along, only 22,668 visas were issued, of which 7,966 (35%) were for employment. "The visa is the biggest problem," Khadi Camara from the German-African Business Association told DW. "The Opportunity Card is only an Opportunity Card for some people. One first has to fulfill the prerequisites. These are criteria that do not necessarily matter to employers, but do matter to the federal government." Just getting the necessary documents required for a visa can also be problematic. "German officials want original documents, which sometimes is just not possible. Then applicants need to prove how self-sufficient they are. And even if the would-be employers cover the applicant's costs, sometimes even that is not considered enough." Some meanwhile have repeatedly questioned whether Germany has what it takes to become and attractive destination for skilled workers. "It's very relevant to consider the political climate in Germany, not only taking into account how eager the government is to bring people here but also whether Germany can indeeed become a new home for Kenyans, Ghanaians, Sierra Leonians or South Africans," Camara said, adding that "we cannot ignore racism. The German government needs to take a clear position that people are welcome here." For Camara, that also includes removing language barriers: "In other countries, one does not have to fulfill certain language requirements and that's probably why those countries are more attractive. Last year, Christian Lindner [Germany's then-Finance Minister] was in Ghana at a university there, and asked who would want to come work in Germany. No one raised their hand." Teresia Träutlein and Grace Ochieng however say that in their experience, speaking German has proven to be quite necessary to lead a fully integrated life in Germany. Träutlein adds: "If the government wants to attract skilled workers to Germany, then it needs to support German language training abroad. Without the language, one does not get very far here." Camara says Germany has to realize that it is, in fact, competing for skilled workers against other players: "Global alliances are breaking down as we speak, and so we have to look for new partners. Many of them are on the African continent." For German companies like Teresia Träutlein's agency, the most important thing is that bureaucratic hurdles be removed. She and her husband are trying to simplify the process to bring over new employees from Kenya and have decided to start building a private language and nursing school there. "We are a small company but we have one goal: to combat unemployment in Kenya and bring these workers we need to Germany," she said. According to Träutlein, the immigration of skilled workers to Germany is ultimately a "win-win situation for everyone involved" — as long as the processes involved in making the cut improve significantly. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video

After NATO Deal, How Far Will EU Go For Trade Peace With Trump?
After NATO Deal, How Far Will EU Go For Trade Peace With Trump?

Int'l Business Times

time5 hours ago

  • Int'l Business Times

After NATO Deal, How Far Will EU Go For Trade Peace With Trump?

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