
Why do we mock Amerikaners?
It's easy to shrug off statistics and chants if you are not threatened. The governing party is wrong to ignore minority fears.
A group of Afrikaners gathered outside the American Embassy in Pretoria to deliver a memorandum to US President Donald Trump. Picture: Nigel Sibanda / The Citizen
Do we really have to mock people who use an opportunity to leave their country of birth when invited to settle elsewhere?
It's a big, potentially traumatic step for any family. Compassion would not be out of place.
So what if South Africans who have left for the US do not fit the United Nations (UN) definition of refugees?
US President Donald Trump has executive authority to order that the Afrikaners be treated as refugees.
The UN High Commissioner for Refugees says: 'Refugees are people forced to flee their own country and seek safety in another country.
'They are unable to return to their own country because of feared persecution as a result of who they are, what they believe in or say, or because of armed conflict, violence or serious public disorder.'
To debate whether the Amerikaner trekkers fit this definition is to miss much. So, too, the haggling about whether Trump is correct to describe what's happening in SA as genocide.
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As we know from SA's case against Israel in the International Court of Justice, legal definitions of genocide are complicated. By those standards, Trump is wrong.
Yet SA is objectively a very violent country where the murder rate is consistently among the highest in the world, and racial targeting is a reality.
Folk don't feel protected when the Constitutional Court says whipping up mobs to chant, 'Kill the farmer! Kill the boer!' while emulating gunshots, 'Pa! Pa! Pa!', is not hate speech.
Try to imagine how that looks to the targets, and to the outside world, where President Cyril Ramaphosa's assurances are not persuasive.
It's easy to shrug off statistics and chants if you are not threatened. The governing party is wrong to ignore minority fears.
Ramaphosa thinks he needs to educate Trump. On Monday, he said: '… those who have fled are not being persecuted, they are not being hounded, they are not being treated badly. They are leaving ostensibly because they don't want to embrace the changes taking place in our country.'
In doing so, Ramaphosa perpetuates the ANC myth that anyone who opposes race laws is anti-transformation.
Wrong. One can support transformation while objecting to laws which prescribe that races should be treated differently.
ALSO READ: Afrikaners pawns on Trump's board
Trump's ally, South African Elon Musk, baulks at bringing his Starlink network here because of the requirement that 30% must be given to local blacks.
The ANC does not see racism in existing legislation, including the panoply of black economic empowerment laws, preferential procurement rules and new regulations which make race disclosure a requirement for property transfer.
Indeed, the Employment Equity Amendment Act, which is being challenged in the High Court in Pretoria by the DA, discriminates on racial grounds.
So, too, does the proposed R100 billion transformation fund aimed at supporting blackowned businesses, to the exclusion of others.
This racial preferencing turns off investors and, therefore, impedes job creation. Instead of shaming those who leave, it might be wiser to acknowledge legitimate fears.
If the new Amerikaners could foresee a safe, prosperous future in South Africa for their families, they would not leave this beloved country.
Me? I ain't goin' nowhere.
NOW READ: New race quotas will stifle economic growth
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In practice, it can lead to undemocratic outcomes, as the most organised and the loudest voices can overwhelm the debate. And our institutions have shown time and time again that public consultation can be ignored. For years energy regulator Nersa has held public hearings before deciding whether to increase electricity prices. Despite so many people publicly opposing tariff increases, power prices have risen by more than 653% since 2007 (inflation during that time was 129%). Economic reality The reason Nersa did that, despite hearing from so many people who opposed it, was because of economic reality. Eskom needed the money. Public consultation is very often about hearing what people want. Making decisions is about what is possible. Nersa has understood that (Eskom has often complained it has not increased prices enough) and thus had to ignore the public comments. This is why bodies like Nersa are given legal authority to make decisions. They can force people to accept the outcome. This process will have nothing like that. It is also a fallacy to think that getting people in a room together will result in them getting closer. Yes, it can happen. But it can also lead to heightened tensions. During the Codesa talks, the stakes were so incredibly high that very few people were prepared to use violence. The one group that was, the right-wing AWB, eventually used an armoured car to disrupt the talks. But their support was tiny and measured in the hundreds. There are now people in our society who publicly oppose our Constitution and have used violence in the past. One of them, Jacob Zuma, won the support of nearly 2.3 million people in last year's election. He will surely demand to be a part of this process. Incentive Also, before 1994 all of the parties involved knew there would be an election after the process. As a result there was an incentive to appear to be constructive. No such incentive will be present in this situation. 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