
Candidates' stances in San Antonio mayoral election
As San Antonio's June 7 mayoral runoff election approaches, candidates Gina Ortiz Jones and Rolando Pablos have been facing off in debates, and we're parsing out where they stand on top issues.
Why it matters: For the first time in decades, someone without City Hall experience will lead San Antonio — and for a longer four-year term.
After breaking through a crowded 27-candidate field in the initial election, both have used the last few weeks to introduce themselves to voters who might have sat out the first round.
The big picture: The new mayor's tenure will come at a critical juncture. The city is facing a budget deficit at the same time as local institutions have faced cutbacks under the Trump administration.
Catch up quick: Ortiz Jones, a former Air Force undersecretary under the Biden administration, won about 27% of the vote in the May 3 election. Pablos, a former Texas secretary of state appointed by Gov. Greg Abbott, won nearly 17%.
How it works: Early voting is underway now through June 3. Find polling times and locations online.
Here are some key stances the candidates have taken at recent debates.
CPS Energy
Pablos said the city-owned CPS Energy has infrastructure challenges and needs more transmission. He highlighted his time on the Texas Public Utility Commission, adding he supported renewable energy growth in West Texas.
Ortiz Jones said CPS needs more energy to help bring businesses to San Antonio and keep costs competitive, while also keeping utility prices low for residents.
Both said renewable energy and sustainability measures are critical for CPS Energy.
City budget
Ortiz Jones said she would look to cut "pet projects," such as the city's helping to incentivize the launch of Condor's nonstop Frankfurt flight (later dropped), and paying for city councilmembers to attend the men's Final Four.
Pablos said that spending on the city's bike lane plans doesn't seem appropriate.
Yes, but: Both candidates have regularly said they want more information before committing to cuts to address a budget deficit.
Education and workforce development
Pablos said employers turn down coming to San Antonio because they don't see an available pipeline of qualified workers, and that the fix is education.
"The No. 1 focus of eradicating poverty is aggressive economic development, and that is based on workforce development."
Ortiz Jones focused on the Texas Legislature's actions, saying the recently passed school vouchers hurt public education and the state's pipeline of talent.
"We should not be subsidizing private school."
Downtown Spurs arena
Ortiz Jones floated whether a deal for a new arena and entertainment district could help fund Pre-K 4 SA.
Pablos said the city needs to consider the Spurs' economic impact and whether or not San Antonio wants to keep the NBA team.
Neither has committed, one way or the other, on using taxpayer money for a new arena, and neither has guaranteed to move forward with a November vote on using public funds.
Go deeper
Catch the full

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Newsweek
2 hours ago
- Newsweek
Trans Cadets Graduate, But Trump Military Ban Bars Them From Service
Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. Three transgender cadets received their diplomas from the U.S. Air Force Academy on Thursday, but unlike their peers, they were not commissioned as officers due to ongoing federal restrictions. Among the graduates is Hunter Marquez, who completed dual degrees in aeronautical engineering and applied mathematics. Marquez also met all of the Air Force's physical fitness requirements for male cadets. Why it matters Their exclusion from commissioning stems from a U.S. Supreme Court ruling that allowed the reinstatement of a policy originally instituted during the administration of President Donald Trump. The order permits enforcement of the transgender military ban while legal challenges remain unresolved. What to know A recent policy update issued on May 23 further complicates matters for the cadets. It warns that those who choose not to voluntarily separate from the Air Force by June 6 may be compelled to repay the full cost of their education—valued in the hundreds of thousands of dollars—even though the academy does not charge tuition. Newsweek has contacted U.S. Department of Defense and U.S. Air Force Academy Public Affairs for comment via email. President Donald Trump arrives to deliver the commencement speech for the United States Military Academy graduating cadets in West Point, N.Y., Saturday, May 24, 2025. President Donald Trump arrives to deliver the commencement speech for the United States Military Academy graduating cadets in West Point, N.Y., Saturday, May 24, 2025. AP Photo/Manuel Balce Ceneta However, the Air Force informed Marquez on graduation day that he would not be required to repay his tuition if he was involuntarily separated. That decision, he said, offers a lifeline in the ongoing effort to one day serve as an officer should the courts overturn the military's transgender ban. "I really want to stay in for as long as possible, fight this out," Marquez said. When asked to comment ahead of the graduation ceremony, an academy spokesperson emphasized that the institution is adhering strictly to Department of Defense policy. The spokesperson explained that: "Cadets who have a diagnosis of, a history of, or exhibit symptoms consistent with gender dysphoria may graduate from their respective programs but will not be commissioned into the Air Force or Space Force. Following graduation, they will be placed on administrative absence until they are separated from the Air Force." What happens next? Marquez is also a plaintiff in Talbot v. United States of America, a legal case challenging the constitutionality of the Trump-era ban. The lawsuit contends that the policy violates the constitutional rights of transgender service members by denying them equal protection under the law. President Donald Trump justified the ban in an executive order by stating that transgender individuals are unable to meet the military's stringent requirements. According to the order, their "medical, surgical and mental health constraints" undermine qualities essential to service, including "troop readiness, lethality, cohesion, honesty, humility, uniformity and integrity."


Newsweek
6 hours ago
- Newsweek
What My Six Decades in America Taught Me
I immigrated to America on June 6, 1965, from Taiwan, carrying with me big dreams and expectations, mingled with fears of the unknown. I was 17, and it was at the height of the Vietnam War. A year later, I enlisted in the Air Force and instead of being sent to the frontlines, I was deployed to England for three years to do aircraft maintenance. Coming home from military service, I saw an America that was full of opportunities. I spent a year working on Wall Street but was drawn to public service, which landed me in the New York City Department of City Planning as an economic development researcher. While in that job, I also moonlighted as a writer for a Chinese-language newspaper, where I noticed that many Asian American small businesses were confined to small ethnic enclaves, competing among themselves. Asian American professionals working for major corporations were trapped in their jobs and regarded as good workers but not managers. U.S. flags flying in the wind are pictured. U.S. flags flying in the wind are pictured. Getty Images The small businesses lacked political clout and unity, making it difficult to get the attention of the government for resources and support. Many of the professionals were short on social skills and further hampered by cultural barriers that prevented them from rising to leadership positions. And yet, it was a time of profound societal change. During the 1970s and 1980s, I witnessed America's convulsions: civil rights marches, Vietnam War protests, and the rise of technology. These influenced me to be involved in community, social and civic affairs, and to take actions to affect changes in my community. I wanted to expand Asian enterprises into broader markets and create opportunities with other communities. I wanted to raise the representation of Asian American professionals in corporate leadership. This became the catalyst for the work of the Asian American Business Development Center (AABDC), which I founded in 1994 to be a bridge between Asian American corporate professionals and entrepreneurs to the larger society and to foster better integration of Asian Americans into mainstream society by deepening mutual understanding and collaboration. For decades, I believed in the alchemy of participation—I showed up at city council meetings, lobbied for fair lending policies, drafted proposals for minority business grants, and sat on boards where I was the only Asian American. Together with like-minded allies across the color spectrum, we worked for better representation in corporate boardrooms, pushed for equitable access to capital, and created programs to help Asian-owned businesses expand beyond ethnic niches. For decades, we worked with the belief that America was slowly, painfully, but inevitably moving toward inclusion. And then—the backlash. Just as we began to see the fruits of our labor—more Asian American executives, more cross-cultural business partnerships, more recognition of our community's contributions—the political winds shifted. Diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI), once framed as moral imperatives, were suddenly branded as divisive. Policies we championed were dismantled under the guise of "colorblindness," as if decades of exclusion could be erased by pretending race didn't matter. Politicians who once paid lip service to multiculturalism now stoked fears of Asian Americans as "perpetual foreigners" or threats to "American values" and even to national security. This is more than disappointment. But disappointment does not mean defeat. The AABDC's work continues, not because the path is easy, but because it is necessary. I have spent 60 years in this country—40 of them fighting for a seat at the table. I will not now, at this stage of my life, let that table be overturned. I know there are others from all corners of society who feel the same, but perhaps are being silenced by the winds of change. I'm far from my 17-year-old self. But I still have big dreams and expectations, and a belief that this is still a land of opportunity for everyone. We belonged then. We belong now. John Wang is the founder and president of the Asian American Business Development Center (AABDC), which promotes recognition of Asian American professionals, entrepreneurs, and business leaders. AABDC bridges cultures, drives economic opportunity, and connects U.S. and Asian businesses. The views expressed in this article are the writer's own.

Yahoo
7 hours ago
- Yahoo
Editorial: Brandon Johnson turns to taxing groceries
Mayor Brandon Johnson has positioned himself as a champion of working families and the poor. But his messaging is getting complicated as it collides with the city's difficult fiscal reality. 'You all know my position. The ultra-rich continue to get away with not having to put more skin in the game,' he said at a Tuesday news conference. But at the same time, Johnson is pushing for a grocery tax that will disproportionately hurt families at the checkout line as they try to put food on the table. His administration is taking an obfuscational messaging approach to explain its position. Johnson insists this isn't a new tax — it's merely a local continuation of a state tax being phased out. But for struggling families, the semantics won't matter. Higher grocery prices are higher grocery prices. '(The grocery tax) was a function that the state of Illinois decided to relinquish, and leave it to the cities to collect the tax,' Johnson said earlier this week. 'So we're not creating a grocery tax, we're just creating a process by which we can collect it.' That's some twisty logic, to say the least. A tax is a tax even when a mayor calls it a 'function.' It's true that when Gov. JB Pritzker ended the state's 1% grocery tax, he left the door open for cities to collect their own — being as state grocery tax revenues flow to municipalities, not state coffers. Chicago stands to lose $80 million in revenue from the change — at a time when it's already facing a $1 billion budget shortfall. But the budget problem is not just Springfield's doing. It's a reflection of City Hall's unwillingness to rein in spending and make hard choices. And now, instead of leading with reforms, the mayor is reaching for the easiest — and most regressive — option on the shelf. The mayor has put himself in a corner on this one. If his goal is tax fairness, it's hard to see how making food more expensive for struggling Chicagoans fits the bill. In a better world, Chicagoans would be getting a small break at the grocery store. Pritzker has acknowledged the regressive nature of the grocery tax and its impact on families. 'Even with inflation cooling off every dollar counts, so I'm proud we're doing what we can to make trips to the grocery store a little easier,' he said in 2024 after eliminating the statewide grocery tax. We have said much the same, noting that the grocery tax does not need to be there, especially since its absence might contribute in some small way to motivating people to cook healthy meals at home rather than stopping at the local fast-food outlet. In a few months, the working group Johnson convened to explore budget cuts and revenue options for addressing the city's structural budget challenges is expected to share its preliminary recommendations, ahead of the mayor's budget proposal later this year. We're interested to see what the group comes back with — hopefully sooner rather than later. We're aware that the city's finances are so grim there may be no choice but to add back the grocery 'function,' or tax. We'll leave our final view on that until we see a fuller picture of ideas. Until now, the mayor's efforts to introduce widespread new revenue sources have been met with stiff opposition and a lack of public support. First, his flagship fiscal proposal, a real estate transfer tax hike dubbed 'Bring Chicago Home,' failed, a rude awakening that Johnson's election was not a mandate for sweeping new tax hikes. Next, an attempt to build support for a $300 million property tax hike fizzled out amid understandable public resistance and pushback from aldermen. We opposed both ideas. We say these outcomes are a reflection of the general sentiment among Chicagoans, most of whom are sick to death of being asked for more as the city gives them more of the same, often worse, public services. The mayor's grocery tax push will certainly be met with resentment. If he wants to make it happen, the grocery tax will need to be adopted as an ordinance by City Council and submitted to the state by Oct. 1 in order for the tax to be imposed beginning Jan. 1, according to the Illinois Municipal League. Even Johnson's supporters may struggle to square this proposal with his progressive ideals. It's hard to claim you're standing with working families while taxing their daily bread. Submit a letter, of no more than 400 words, to the editor here or email letters@