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Yahoo
an hour ago
- Business
- Yahoo
Yes, immigration is a flash point in Boston's mayoral race. A debate confirmed it
Good Monday morning, everyone. Boston Mayor Michelle Wu made nationwide headlines earlier this year with a defiant appearance before a U.S. House committee probing the city's immigration policies, which bar local cops from cooperating with the feds in civil matters. Wu's main challenger in this year's race for City Hall, philanthropist Josh Kraft, in a rare instance of agreement in what's become an increasingly thorny campaign, said he was onside with that approach. So far, so good, right? Maybe not. Kraft, the son of billionaire New England Patriots owner Robert Kraft, got some serious pushback during a debate in Dorchester last week after he told a packed house at Prince Hall that he's 'completely against President Trump's mass deportation plans,' and 'will stand with our immigrant community wholeheartedly, no matter who is in the White House.' 'I think it's absolutely abhorrent that federal agents could walk into your place of work, your house of worship or your children's schools and remove you, even if you have zero connection to violent crime,' Kraft said, according to The Boston Herald. The response prompted some in the crowd to stand up and hurl jeers in Kraft's direction, the Herald reported. In turn, an organizer had to take the stage to settle things down. The pump got primed by a question from the debate's moderator, Yawu Miller of Flipside News, the newspaper reported. 'In today's political climate, immigrant communities are increasingly under threat. How would you defend these communities and push back against harmful actions by ICE or a hostile federal administration,' Miller asked, according to the Herald. He had to stop to say 'excuse me' as the majority-Black crowd reacted to his question, the newspaper reported. 'What concrete strategies would you implement to ensure the safety and protection of all residents in Boston, regardless of immigration status?' he continued. Domingos DaRosa, another mayoral aspirant, offered a more conciliatory answer, saying the city had to look after the interests of immigrants and native-born Bostonians alike. Wu, meanwhile, defended the city's immigration policies. 'In Boston, 29% of our residents are immigrants who were born in a different country,' Wu said, according to the Herald. 'We, as a city, have a responsibility to make sure that everyone is getting what they need. I just want to say in this room and in every room, that part of the strategy of those who are trying to make us turn against each other and point fingers is to say there's not enough.' Robert Cappucci, who's also seeking the city's top spot, said he'd work with the Trump administration. 'There are a lot of people very upset in terms of who got here legitimately, who got to live here illegitimately, and again, you go back to love God and love thy neighbor,' Cappucci said, according to The Herald. 'My job would be to try to settle this argument.' The relative comity between Kraft and Wu on the flashpoint issue was a rare oasis of calm in a week in which the two candidates warred over Kraft's Boston bona fides and a flood of dark money into the race. Wu accused Kraft of trying to buy the race after reports surfaced that he planned to inject $2 million of his own money into the campaign, a move that effectively would erase the incumbent mayor's cash advantage. It also was revealed that a pro-Kraft super PAC had dropped more than $1.4 million on attack ads bolstering his candidacy. 'Most Bostonians don't have a billionaire father to buy them a condo so they can move in to run for an office they've never voted for, live in a ward they don't know and spend millions from their family wealth and connections to try to buy the election,' the Democratic incumbent said in a statement released through her campaign. Kraft's campaign fired back. 'Josh Kraft purchased his home with his own money. He has voted in multiple elections as a Boston resident. And he has worked in and around the neighborhoods of Boston for 35 years ― long before Michelle Wu came to Harvard by way of one of the wealthiest suburbs of Chicago,' the campaign said in a statement to MassLive. 'She would rather resort to personal attacks ... than address her record of failures as mayor of Boston - from housing to the Boston Public Schools, from managing the budget to managing her own personnel problems inside City Hall.' One veteran observer put the current tensions at 5 out of a possible 10. But it's still only June, and there's nowhere to go but up. U.S. Rep. Stephen Lynch, D-8th District, is officially in the running to become the next top Democrat on the powerful House Oversight Committee. That's the one that Boston Mayor Michelle Wu appeared before earlier this year in a headline-grabbing appearance over the city's immigration policies. Lynch, of South Boston, had been unofficially minding the store after U.S. Rep. Gerry Connolly, of Virginia, who had been the panel's ranking Democrat, announced in late April that he was stepping aside to deal with a recurrence of cancer. Connolly, 75, lost that fight earlier this month, succumbing to the esophageal cancer he had been diagnosed with last November. Connolly's passing opens up what is essentially a generational fight for the top spot on the Oversight Committee, with Lynch, 70, and U.S. Rep. Kwesi Mfume, 76, of Maryland, at the older end of the leadership contest. U.S. Rep. Robert Garcia, 47, of California, and Jasmine Crockett, 44, of Texas, and a frequent inquisitor of President Donald Trump, are leading the youth brigade, according to Axios. Lynch made his pitch in a three-page 'Dear Colleague' letter his office shared last week. It stressed his hardscrabble roots in Southie, his background in labor and his involvement in every big committee probe of the last quarter-century. 'I will also always welcome regular input from our caucus as we continue to prepare an investigative oversight record that will be primed and ready for a Democratic majority to hold President Trump fully accountable,' Lynch wrote. A vote on the post is set for June 24, according to Axios. The rent, in case you were wondering, is still too darn high. A single person needs to earn $127,000 to rent an apartment in Greater Boston, making it the third-most expensive metro area in the nation, according to an analysis by Zillow. The top two markets were San Jose, California ($137K) and New York City ($145K), according to the analysis. The three most affordable markets were Buffalo, New York ($55K), Oklahoma City, Oklahoma ($56K) and Louisville, Kentucky ($57K). The analysis found that renters need to make six figures to 'comfortably' afford rent in eight major markets across the country. That's up from four markets just five years ago. Since April 2020, at the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, the rent for a typical U.S. apartment soared by 28.7% to $1,858 − which would, like, get you a couch, in the Seaport. Rent for a single-family home nationwide increased by an eye-watering 42.9% to $2,256, or a garage in Wellesley, probably. The median household income, at the same time, has only risen by 22.5% to around $82,000, vividly reminding people, in case they needed it, that wages haven't kept up with skyrocketing housing costs. Another reminder from Zillow: Boston remains one of the handful of U.S. cities where renters are on the hook for broker fees ― usually the equivalent of a month's rent — that come on top of security deposits and advance payments. And that also drives up costs. Lawmakers on Beacon Hill are weighing competing plans to spike them. But success is, by no means, assured. 'The greatness of America, the greatness of Harvard is reflected in the fact that someone like me could be invited to speak to you.' — Abraham Verghese, Stanford University professor, infectious disease doctor, best-selling writer and immigrant, as he delivered Harvard University's 374th commencement address last week. Many foreign students already fleeing Harvard University due to Trump order Sen. Warren, Mass. pols demand answers from Trump on 'attacks on international students' 'Global order has been upset': World Affairs Council gauges tariff war impact on Western Mass Mass. AG sues Trump administration over cuts to scientific research Mass. Gov. Healey slams ICE over migrant arrests on Nantucket, Vineyard No more 'fricking barber poles': Gov. Healey says as Mass. looks to shred regs A 'historic battle': Mass pols protest Medicaid cuts in 'Big Beautiful Bill' | John L. Micek With the 250th anniversary of the Battle of Bunker Hill just a couple of weeks away on June 17, Massachusetts Secretary of State Bill Galvin holds a briefing this Tuesday morning on events celebrating the big day. He'll be joined at the 10 a.m. news conference at the battlefield site at 43 Monument Square in Charlestown by Simone Monteleone, who's the acting superintendent for the National Parks of Boston, his office said in a statement. Galvin, in case you were wondering, is the chair of the Massachusetts Historical Commission, in addition to serving as chief overseer of the state's elections. Singer Halsey brings her 2025 tour to the XFinity Center in scenic Mansfield at 7 p.m. Wednesday. (tickets and more info here). From the film 'Ballerina,' here's the latest single 'Hand That Feeds.' Amy Lee, of Evanescence, also guests. There's no doubt that every shooting death is a tragedy, and it leaves survivors with mental and physical scars that last a lifetime. But new research shows that, when it comes to the lasting mental trauma of these explosions of violence, not all shootings are created equal. In April, research published by the journal Nature Mental Health found that people who survive 'commonplace' gun violence, such as robberies or domestic violence, had reported longer-term mental health symptoms than people who had survived mass shootings, according to The Trace, a publication that tracks gun violence nationwide. Here's the germane bit: ''What surprised us a bit was that people who experienced non-mass shooting gun violence were more likely to have their symptoms last a year or longer,' said Jillian Peterson, executive director of the Violence Prevention Project Research Center at Hamline University in Minnesota and the study's lead author.' 'A mass shooting — defined in the study as four or more people shot in a single incident — is a shared experience that prompts public attention and communal social support, said the study's coauthor, David Pyrooz, a sociology professor and criminologist at the University of Colorado's Institute for Behavioral Science. 'And that helps to resolve some of the distress that comes from it.'" ''When we had the King Soopers shooting, there was 'Boulder Strong,' donations, and an outpouring of support from the community,' he said, referring to the 2021 mass shooting. 'But when there is a robbery with a firearm, you don't get that same sort of outpouring.'' 'The largest discrepancy was in long-term post-traumatic stress symptoms. Among non-mass shooting survivors, 60% of those threatened with a gun, 65% of people who were shot at but not hit, and 44% of those who were hit reported long-term PTSD.' 'By comparison, long-term PTSD among people who experienced mass shootings ranged between 20 and 30%, depending on the type of exposure. The researchers surveyed a nationally representative sample of 10,000 adults.' 'Survivors of isolated incidents are often specifically targeted, which can hinder recovery. And the violation of safety and trust inherent in violence by someone you know can lead to more severe PTSD than mass shootings, said Mayer Bellehsen, a clinical psychologist at Northwell Health in New York.' That's it for today. As always, tips, comments and questions can be sent to jmicek@ Have a good week, friends. The piece of the Mass. budget that passes all understanding | John L. Micek A 'historic battle': Mass pols protest Medicaid cuts in 'Big Beautiful Bill' | John L. Micek Mass. Rep. Trahan's 'Les Miz' moment on Trump's 'Big Beautiful Bill' | Bay State Briefing Read the original article on MassLive.
Business Insider
4 hours ago
- Business
- Business Insider
I dreaded working in the private sector, but the public sector didn't pay enough for me to live on. Here's how I found balance in my career.
This as-told-to essay is based on a conversation with Joey Nguyen, a 35-year-old senior clinical trial contract and finance analyst in Quincy, Massachusetts. It has been edited for length and clarity. I have a long history of working in the public sector, primarily in the nonprofit world. I first worked for a nonprofit called The Talented and Gifted Latino Program in high school. I then studied political science, criminal justice, and Asian American studies. My first job out of grad school was as a community manager for the Youth Lead the Change program at Boston City Hall. I then served a year as the Youth ServiceCorps coordinator at AmeriCorps, a federal government program. I needed to earn more as soon as that year was over, so I applied for anything I could get in the private sector. I landed a job running clinical trials at ClinEdge from 2017 to 2022. Now, I'm the senior clinical trial contract and financial analyst at the Massachusetts General Hospital. There are significant differences between working in the public and private sectors In the private sector, there's more opportunity for growth, and salary negotiations are easier. The downside is you don't get to choose the mission and what the company stands for. If there's a toxic culture, you must either absorb it, join it, or try to distance yourself from it (this can also apply to the public). I've experienced work cultures in the private sector where I felt other colleagues didn't get the discipline they deserved for inappropriate behavior. I have also felt that HR didn't take my complaints seriously. Private sector jobs pay much more While in the public sector, I worked multiple jobs to make ends meet. The stipend for AmeriCorps was $17,000 a year for a full-time managerial position. The benefits are professional development experience, leadership skills, and enriching work. Many of us had to work several part-time jobs and lived off food stamps. After moving to private, I stayed because I earned over 2.5 times more right off the bat. I make nearly six figures in my current role. I feel expendable in the private sector It's all about capitalism in the private sector. Layoffs happen because the bottom line is the priority. I devoted so much energy, passion, and dedication to helping my last company grow. When I was laid off after four years, it felt like my work was all for nothing and I was expendable. Change is slow in the public sector I noticed a veil over operations from a regulatory standard at private companies. In the public sector, things are more transparent. Everyone has the mission of serving the public. When I was at City Hall, the taxpayers funded us, but the pace for change, new ideas, and efficiency was much slower. Changes in the private sector can also be slow unless they improve the bottom line or save the company money. Power can corrupt in both public and private At City Hall, it seemed like some people worked there just because they were elected, not because of their qualifications. I focused on my mission and did the best job I could for the constituents of Boston. That's what kept me going. I was proud we were providing direct democracy to Boston's young people. During my year there, we held the record for the most votes and the most access the balloting process had ever had. Ultimately, the politics were challenging to deal with, and I couldn't stay. I've also experienced this working in smaller startups. The CEOs could make anything happen. It appeared as if some people stayed employed because of who they knew or were early hires, and HR was often nonexistent. I felt more fulfilled working in the public sector At my last private sector job, I would almost always have the Sunday scaries. While working in public service, I wanted to work because I knew the mission's importance. I never dreaded the job, as I sometimes did in the private sector. I've learned that most people don't get to work in their field of passion. Instead, they find jobs to fund their passions outside work. That helped me realize that I could work in private and still make a difference on my own time. I always want to ensure equity and justice are being served in my work. I've built my entire career on being comfortable not knowing my next steps Pressure from family and society pushes us to have everything figured out by the time we're in college. Like many folks, I did everything that was expected of me to appease my parents while exploring what I wanted to do. I'm a good example of how it doesn't matter what degree you have. If you're not learning and building skills in your job, you can always pivot to a new line of work. I plan to stay in the private sector at Massachusetts General Hospital because it's a nonprofit hospital, so at least I'm helping find a treatment or a cure for ALS while not compromising my well-being.
Time of India
a day ago
- Entertainment
- Time of India
Mira Nair' son Zohran Mamdani: Inside the love story of NYC Mayor candidate and his wife Rama Dawuji
As the New York mayoral election heats up, tensions are running high—and so is the spotlight on unexpected candidates. Among them is Zohran Mamdani, the son of acclaimed filmmaker , who has gone from underdog to serious contender in the race for City Hall. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now His rapid rise has stirred the political pot, drawing both admiration and ire—including from far-right activist and Donald Trump loyalist Laura Loomer. Loomer, known for her inflammatory posts and failed congressional bid, recently lashed out at Mamdani on social media with a chilling warning: 'Get ready for another 9/11.' In her post, she labeled Mamdani a 'pro-HAMAS Muslim socialist' and raised alarm over his growing popularity, tapping into anti-Muslim fear-mongering that critics say is both dangerous and unfounded. As Mamdani's name continues to dominate headlines, curiosity about his personal life has surged—especially his relationship with his wife, Rama Dawoudji, a Syrian artist living in Brooklyn. With fame comes a deeper look into the people behind the politics, and here we will look at the love story between Mamdani and his partner Rama Dawuji The love story between Mamdani and Rama Dawuji Though Zohran Mamdani has kept his personal life largely out of the public eye, the rare glimpses he's shared speak volumes about the quiet, intentional bond he shares with his wife, Rama Duwaji. Until recently, Mamdani had only briefly acknowledged his relationship—mentioning in Interview Magazine that he had 'recently got married in a civil ceremony at the clerk's office.' However he recently shared photos from their New York City civil ceremony on Instagram, writing: 'Three months ago, I married the love of my life, Rama, at the City Clerk's office.' He continued, 'Rama isn't just my wife, she's an incredible artist who deserves to be known on her own terms.' Tired of too many ads? go ad free now In the same post he also criticized the trolls for targeting her on social media for her views and art. He said, "Now, right-wing trolls are trying to make this race-which should be about you-about her." Rama Duwaji, 27, is a Syrian illustrator and ceramicist based in Brooklyn. Her work has appeared in The New Yorker, The Washington Post, and VICE, often exploring themes of identity, displacement, and belonging. The couple got engaged and held their Nikkah—the Islamic marriage contract ceremony—on December 22, 2024, on a rooftop in Dubai, where Duwaji's family resides. The ceremony was described as intimate, with soft lighting, traditional attire, and a minimalist, modern aesthetic that reflected the couple's personalities. Wedding packages at the venue reportedly start at around $72 per guest, with a minimum spend of $2,700—though the celebration itself was far more about sentiment than spectacle. They later made their marriage official with a civil ceremony in New York City. In a GQ interview published in April 2025, Mamdani offered a personal detail about their connection, revealing that Duwaji has influenced his style—encouraging him to ditch skinny jeans and gifting him two pieces he wears daily: a Casio watch and a handmade ring.
Boston Globe
a day ago
- Business
- Boston Globe
Boston wanted tax-exempt institutions to chip in more to help pay for city services. Under Trump, it's looking unlikely.
Recently, however, President Trump's siege on grants and other federal funding vital to many of those same institutions has scrambled those plans. 'We are continuing to have productive discussions with our institutional partners and believe that short term progress is possible, but the unprecedented attacks on higher education, research and healthcare and instability from the Trump Administration is clearly a major factor' in those negotiations, city spokesperson Emma Pettit said in a statement. At issue is Boston's voluntary For years, the program, and increase pressure on nonprofits to contribute more cash. Advertisement Top City Hall aides said the city is still committed to updating the program in the future. But in the current political environment, the city doesn't have the leverage to implement major changes, they argue. Harvard alone has already suffered Related : The city's These institutions form critical pillars of many of Boston's core industries, City Hall aides said, and attacks on them With larger threats and forces at play, it makes more sense for the city to ask for PILOT contributions that are consistent with previous years', officials say, rather than pressuring tax-exempt institutions to make significantly larger payments when many are already facing daunting financial challenges. Now is the time for a united front, agreed Patricia McMullin, executive director of the Advertisement 'Hospitals are bracing for the uncertainty and the potential for catastrophic cuts while simultaneously working to prevent that,' McMullin said, emphasizing that hospitals have been some of the most generous participants in the PILOT program, even through 'unprecedented' financial challenges after the pandemic. Related : But the grassroots advocates who have pushed for changes to PILOT for nearly 10 years want the city to keep up the pressure. Now is 'not the time to take your foot off the gas,' said Enid Eckstein, co-chair of the Boston grassroots organization 'It's reprehensible what the Trump administration is trying to do to universities and to healthcare funding, and I recognize that this is a treacherous environment,' she continued. 'But at the same time, I believe that some of these institutions have an incredible amount of money in their endowment, and that these cities, they [also] operate under a challenge right now financially.' More than In Boston, about 52 percent of all land in the city is tax-exempt, according to a Advertisement If the property owned by PILOT-participating nonprofits were taxable, city coffers could have seen roughly $500 million in additional revenue last fiscal year. Related : The PILOT formula implemented in 2011 tries to partially offset that gap. Under the current system, the city asks institutions to contribute 25 percent of what they might've owed if they weren't tax exempt. Half of that the city requests in cash, and nonprofits can fulfill the other half by providing evidence of 'community benefits,' which can be anything from free health care services to tuition assistance or cultural programs. Eckstein said her group has pushed for changes, including incorporating updated property valuations into the PILOT formula. PILOT contributions in most cases are calculated based on property tax rates from the 2011 fiscal year, and property valuations from 2009, which are assumed to be far lower than what that real estate is worth today. The city re-assessed the property values of tax-exempt real estate in the last couple of years, but has not applied those new valuations to the PILOT formula, said Boston City Councilor Liz Breadon, who chairs the council's PILOT committee. Eckstein said her group also wants the city to standardize the community benefits program, so the city and nonprofits can coordinate and better direct resources to the most urgent needs. They also want those changes to be made with community input. Getting tax-exempt institutions to pay more, even in good times, is easier said than done. Because the city does not have the authority to force institutions to fulfill their full PILOT obligation, the program is entirely voluntary. While some nonprofits consistently pay most, if not all, of their requested contribution, others pay little or nothing at all. Advertisement Breadon said it's a balancing act for the city to negotiate higher payments in the future, while also maintaining good relationships with the institutions. PILOT 'is voluntary, so they could just say, 'Oh, we're done, goodbye, we're not paying anything,'' Breadon said. '[So] it's an ongoing conversation right now, and we haven't landed on the compromise that works for everyone yet.' Since the program's inception, the city has never received 100 percent of the total it's asked for from all PILOT qualifying nonprofits. The most recent data from the 2024 fiscal year shows that the city received 76 percent of the nearly $129 million in requested PILOT payments, about $35 million of it in cash. That only funds a tiny fraction of the city's Still, Breadon and City Hall aides said that doesn't mean they're letting nonprofits off the hook. 'Our expectations of our residents is that they'll continue to pay their real estate taxes, and our expectation of our institutions is that they will also continue to meet their commitment to PILOT even though it's a voluntary agreement,' said Breadon. 'We certainly have a lot of sympathy, but we also realize that we need their contribution[s], especially in this difficult time.' Niki Griswold can be reached at
New York Post
a day ago
- Politics
- New York Post
Georgia mayor, 2 others jailed on felony charges for trying to halt local election
The mayor of a small city in Georgia and two former election officials have been jailed on felony charges stemming from efforts last November to halt a local election after one of the mayor's allies was disqualified from a city council race. Camilla Mayor Kelvin Owens was being held at the Mitchell County jail Friday, two days after a grand jury indicted him on a felony charge of election interference and a misdemeanor count of conspiring to commit election fraud. Also jailed were the city's former elections superintendent, Rhunette Williford; and her former deputy superintendent, Cheryl Ford, who is currently Camilla's city clerk. Advertisement 5 Camilla, Ga. Mayor Kelvin Owens was arrested on election interference charges. City of Camilla, Ga. They were charged with the same crimes as the mayor, plus misdemeanor counts of failing to perform their duties as public officers. Chaos roiled special elections for a pair of city council seats in Camilla last November amid a long-running legal battle over local politics in the town, a farming community of about 5,000 people in rural southwest Georgia. Advertisement The case revolved around Venterra Pollard, a city council member removed from office last summer after a judge ruled he wasn't a Camilla resident. Pollard ran to regain the position in the fall special election. Another judge ordered Pollard disqualified and ruled that votes for him should be discarded. In addition, the city was ordered to post signs saying votes for Pollard wouldn't be counted. On Nov. 4, the day before Election Day, both Williford and Ford quit as the city's two top elections officials. Advertisement 5 Camilla Mayor Kelvin Owens was being held at the Mitchell County jail Friday, two days after a grand jury indicted him on a felony charge of election interference. Kelvin Owens/Facebook Their joint resignation letter blamed 'mental duress, stress and coercion experienced by recent court decisions regarding our role in elections.' Owens, citing his emergency powers as mayor, moved swiftly to halt the city's elections. Signs posted at City Hall and a notice on Facebook declared the election was canceled. Advertisement Polling places were closed to both poll workers and voters in the morning. The elections were held, albeit several hours behind schedule, after Superior Court Judge Heather Lanier appointed new supervisors to oversee the voting and ordered polls to remain open until nearly 4 a.m. Elections for president, Congress and other offices weren't affected. 5 Signs posted at City Hall and a notice on Facebook declared the election was canceled. WALB News 10/YouTube 5 Camilla is a farming community of about 5,000 people in rural southwest Georgia. WALB News 10/YouTube Mayor Owens had blamed the local upheaval on racial politics, saying that Pollard, who is Black, was targeted by white residents trying to wrest power from the majority Black population. The city of Camilla is nearly three-fourths Black. The Georgia NAACP said in a statement on Facebook that it was 'deeply alarmed' by the allegations of election interference as well as the arrests of Owens and the two former election officials, all of whom are Black. 'We were shocked that there were indictments,' said Gerald Griggs, president of the Georgia NAACP. 'We are still in a fact-finding mode to see what actually happened.' Advertisement 5 A woman enters a polling station in the city of Camilla, Georgia. WALB News 10/YouTube All three defendants remained in jail awaiting a hearing Monday. It was not immediately known if any of them had attorneys who could speak for them. Messages seeking comment were left at two phone numbers for Owens. Advertisement The Associated Press could not find working phone numbers for Williford or Ford. District Attorney Joe Mulholland, whose circuit includes Camilla, declined to comment on the indictment Friday.
