President Aoun: Critical phase requires unity to protect Lebanon's sovereignty
He noted that "communications are ongoing to address the repercussions of developments in several countries in the region, in order to prevent their impact on Lebanon."
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LBCI
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Hezbollah's arsenal through the years: A historical overview of its rise and impact
Report by Nada Andraos, English adaptation by Mariella Succar Since its founding in 1982, Hezbollah's arsenal has evolved from basic tools of local resistance into a fully integrated military system, now considered a key component of regional deterrence dynamics. This transformation was not just a result of technical battlefield advances but stemmed from sustained external support—first from Iran, then Syria—in weapons, training, and supply routes that ran from Iran to Lebanon via Syria. The development of Hezbollah's arsenal occurred in six phases: Phase One began during the organization's formation, with direct Iranian military assistance. Iran capitalized on the political and security vacuum created by the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982, deploying its Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps via Syria into the Bekaa Valley. There, members of what became known as "The Faithful Amal"—a group that split from the Amal Movement—underwent training in guerrilla warfare, ambush tactics, and the use of improvised explosive devices against the Israeli army, which was occupying large swaths of southern Lebanon. Iran began supplying Hezbollah with light and medium-range weapons. Phase Two spanned from 1990 to 2000. Following the Taif Agreement, Hezbollah's weapons remained the only arms outside state control, justified under the banner of resisting occupation. During this period, regional supply lines were expanded, providing the group with Katyusha rockets and anti-armor guided munitions. With Syria overseeing Lebanese political affairs at the time, Hezbollah assumed responsibility for security and military resistance. In 1996, Hezbollah's confrontation with Israel during 'Operation Grapes of Wrath' marked the first time its rockets were used as part of a deterrent strategy. The Israeli army's full withdrawal from southern Lebanon in 2000 further solidified the group's legitimacy as a resistance force in the eyes of many Lebanese, instead of prompting disarmament. Phase Three, from 2000 to 2006, saw a qualitative leap in Hezbollah's arsenal, culminating in the July 2006 war with Israel. The group used medium-range Fajr-3 and Fajr-5 rockets with ranges of 45 to 75 kilometers, along with Russian-made Kornet anti-tank missiles, which proved decisive in battle. Hezbollah also employed naval missiles to hit the Israeli Sa'ar warship and introduced tunnel networks and ground communication systems. Phase Four, from 2006 to 2012, reflected Hezbollah's shift toward strategic regional weaponry. Long-range missiles like Zelzal and Fateh-110, and even Scud missiles, reportedly entered the group's arsenal. Hezbollah also unveiled reconnaissance drones, such as the 'Mirsad.' Phase Five, from 2013 to 2020, coincided with Hezbollah's military involvement in Syria. Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah, aware of the implications of Bashar al-Assad's potential fall, intensified efforts to preserve the group's advanced weapon supply routes. This period further expanded Hezbollah's battlefield experience and access to strategic weapons. Phase Six, from 2020 until just before the September 24 war, marked the height of Hezbollah's stockpiling. Reports during this period estimated its arsenal at over 150,000 missiles, including precision-guided munitions and drones capable of penetrating air defense systems. All of this weaponry was sourced from Iran and transported through Syria to Lebanon. However, in the most recent conflict, this arsenal proved insufficient against Israel's advanced technological capabilities, particularly its AI-driven warfare systems. This has raised questions: What remains of Hezbollah's rocket and aerial capabilities? Have they fulfilled their strategic purpose? Is it time to transition this arsenal toward the service of state-building?
LBCI
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Countdown to confrontation: Lebanon's Cabinet braces for disarmament showdown
Report by Lara El Hachem, English adaptation by Mariella Succar The Lebanese government is handling the issue of exclusive state arms with unprecedented seriousness. In less than 24 hours, the Cabinet Secretariat called for a session on Thursday at Baabda Palace to continue discussions on this topic. The agenda item states: 'Continuing the discussion on implementing the government's ministerial statement regarding extending state sovereignty over all its territories through its own forces, and arrangements for halting hostile actions.' On Tuesday evening, the Cabinet tasked the Lebanese Army with developing a practical plan to consolidate arms under state control and present it by the end of the month, with implementation set for the end of the year. However, the Tuesday decision prompted the withdrawal of two ministers close to the Amal-Hezbollah duo—Rakan Nassereddine and Tamara el-Zein—citing prior communications that did not indicate a timeline for disarmament would be set. Minister Fadi Makki expressed reservations about setting a timetable but did not withdraw, maintaining his insistence on prioritizing Israeli withdrawal. How will Thursday's session unfold as the government moves toward approving Tom Barrack's new proposal, which Hezbollah views as more Israeli than American? As of this report, all scenarios remain possible, according to Amal-Hezbollah sources. The ministers close to the bloc may choose to boycott the session without withdrawing from the government, protesting the new proposal for failing to consider Lebanese concerns. Meanwhile, government sources affiliated with the Lebanese Forces say Tuesday's debate focused on 'the objectives of approving the proposal,' not its technical details, and that the president and prime minister emphasized that the discussion centers on Barrack's revised proposal, which includes Lebanese amendments. Another possibility is a split within the bloc between attending and abstaining members. In this context, Minister el-Zein confirmed to LBCI that she intends to participate in the session. Regardless of the bloc's decision, Minister Makki will attend independently while maintaining his reservations, which would preserve the quorum. Ultimately, Hezbollah considers setting a timetable that does not require Israeli withdrawal as a gift to Israel. In an official statement, the group said the government committed a grave mistake by stripping Lebanon of the resistance's arms and complying with the U.S. envoy's demands. Hezbollah will therefore treat the government's decision as non-existent but will maintain its commitment to dialogue and discussions on national security strategy—just not amid aggression. Conversely, other circles believe Lebanon can no longer afford to remain stagnant. Among them is the leader of the Dignity Movement, Faisal Karami, who told a Hezbollah delegation that the current priorities are protecting Lebanon, preserving civil peace, engaging in serious dialogue with the state, conceding to the army's authority, and maintaining strong relations with Saudi Arabia.
LBCI
5 hours ago
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Tom Barrack's roadmap seeks to end Hezbollah armament, restore Lebanese state control—the details
Report by Joe Farchakh, English adaptation by Mariella Succar A new proposal drafted by U.S. Special Envoy to Syria Tom Barrack calls on the Lebanese state to fully commit to the Taif Agreement, the Constitution, and United Nations Security Council resolutions—particularly U.N. Resolution 1701—as the only legitimate framework granting the state exclusive authority to possess weapons and make decisions related to war and peace. The document presents a 120-day disarmament plan divided into four consecutive phases. In the first phase, spanning the initial 15 days, all military operations by both Israel and Hezbollah would cease immediately. During this time, the Lebanese Cabinet would formally adopt the disarmament plan, with an explicit commitment to conclude the process by December 31, 2025. Simultaneously, meetings of the 'mechanism' would resume with the participation of Lebanon, Israel, France, and the United Nations under U.S. sponsorship. The Lebanese Army would be deployed at 15 border points south of the Litani River. Indirect, internationally mediated negotiations would begin to address unresolved issues such as land border demarcation and the release of prisoners. The second phase, covering days 15 to 60, would see the practical implementation of the disarmament plan. Supporting countries would announce their intention to hold an economic conference in fall 2025 to support Lebanon's economic recovery and reconstruction. A comprehensive plan to expand the Lebanese Army's deployment—with U.S. technical assistance—would be initiated and later extended to the Bekaa region. Hezbollah would begin to transfer its heavy weaponry to the Lebanese Army under international supervision, while Israeli forces would gradually withdraw from five designated positions. Displaced residents would start returning to their villages along the border. In the third phase, from days 60 to 90, South Lebanon would be officially declared free of all unauthorized armed groups. Israel would complete its withdrawal from the final two positions. The Lebanese Army would expand its deployment to northern Bekaa, and demining operations and damage assessments would begin in preparation for reconstruction. The final phase, spanning days 90 to 120, would include the dismantling of Hezbollah's remaining military infrastructure and heavy weaponry. Israel would announce its full and final withdrawal from all Lebanese territory. The Lebanese Army would take over airspace security and monitoring responsibilities. An international economic conference would be held during this period, alongside final border demarcation negotiations with both Israel and Syria. The proposal also calls for a strict monitoring mechanism that includes weekly reports, aerial surveillance through satellites and drones, public reporting by the Lebanese Army and Internal Security Forces, and punitive measures against any party that violates the agreement. These measures could include suspension of aid, economic sanctions, or a review of military coordination. In addition to these conditions, the proposal offers a number of incentives. These include continued U.S. military assistance to the Lebanese Army at $150 million annually; the creation of a $1 billion annual fund over 10 years to support the army and internal security forces; support for private investment and reconstruction; U.S. and French security guarantees for both Lebanon and Israel; and economic incentives for Syria in exchange for cooperation on border demarcation. Barrack's proposal represents more than a roadmap. It is a test for Lebanon's official institutions and a measure of the international community's ability to enforce stability in the country's troubled south, and in a nation where sovereign decision-making has yet to be fully restored.
