Could Britain follow Trump into Iran? Here are Starmer's options

Telegraph

18-06-2025

Keir Starmer has convened the Cobra emergency committee to discuss Britain's possible role in Israel's war with Iran.
That probably means that Britain has received or expects to receive a request from America for assistance should president Trump decide to join the campaign.
So what could Britain contribute? And what will Starmer agree to?
The staging post
The key question is Diego Garcia, the Indian Ocean airbase that would be used to launch the main American strike.
By last month, the Americans had already mustered 10 heavy bombers on the island: six B2 Spirits, and four B-52s.
These are the only machines that can carry the GBU-57 Massive Ordnance Penetrator – the six-metre, 14-tonne bomb designed to destroy the underground Iranian enrichment centre at Fordow.
And the base is an ideal staging post. Perfectly protected by the sea, it lies 5,146.77 km (3,198.06 mi) south of Fordow, with clear flight across open ocean to the Iranian coastline.
But Diego Garcia is still a British base, and the United States must seek British permission before using it to launch operations.
Donald Trump's existing plan for an attack on Iran probably assumes use of the island, and would have to be rewritten if Britain said no.
Can Starmer say no?
In theory, yes.
Cobra will have to consider legal advice from the Attorney General, and there are good grounds to argue that such an attack would be illegal.
It is not authorised by a United Nations resolution and whether it is a genuine act of self-defence will be contested.
So by giving the go-ahead, Britain would carry the risk of moral and legal complicity and make its bases a target for Iranian retaliation – without gaining any influence over American policy or war aims.
On the other hand, it would take a very brave British prime minister to turn down such a request on a matter of supreme strategic importance for the White House. Especially on the eve of a Nato summit.
No prime minister in a comparable situation has ever rejected such a request.
Three other areas Britain could help
1. RAF Akrotiri
Diego Garcia is not the only British base the Americans may seek to use.
The United States may well request permission for its fighter jets, early warning and refuelling aircraft to use RAF Akrotiri, the British airbase in Cyprus.
Akrotiri is perfectly placed to project air-power across the Middle East, and has played a key role in every operation in the region going back to the first Gulf War. Again, Starmer would be likely to agree.
2. Defensive interception
RAF Typhoon jets and refuelling aircraft have already arrived in Cyprus to provide what Starmer called 'contingency support across the region'.
That vague term probably means air cover – partly for Israel, whose air defences are already stretched by incoming Iranian drones and missiles, but mostly for Britain's own bases and personnel.
Iranian state media has threatened to strike British, French and American military installations should they enter the war alongside Israel.
It is very difficult for fighters to intercept ballistic missiles, but they can shoot down drones. RAF Typhoons took down several Iranian UAVs (Unmanned Aerial Vehicles) on their way to Israel in April last year.
3. Air-to-Air refuelling
Long-range air campaigns need fuel, and lots of it.
We know the RAF has put Voyager Air-to-Air refuelling tankers in Cyprus, and they could well be used to keep both British Typhoons in the air, and to supply American aircraft on their missions into Iran.
The red line
Will the RAF take part in direct strikes on Iranian targets?
That seems unlikely.
The Typhoon's Storm Shadow cruise missiles and Paveway IV guided bombs are more than capable of precision strikes on hardened targets.
But they do not offer any capability the Israelis and Americans do not already have, and the amount of extra fire-power they could contribute would be marginal.
Keir Starmer would probably have to push hard for the Americans and Israelis to let the RAF join the mission, because it would imply a quid-pro-quo of surrendering at least some influence over the operation to London.
Before he did that, he would have to consider the domestic political ramifications, the diplomatic fallout – and, of course, the risk of RAF pilots being killed in action.
He will also have to weigh very carefully the possible consequences for the staff of the British embassy in Tehran, who remain in place although dependents have been evacuated.
Neither the Americans nor the Israelis have to worry about that.
The ace card
By pure chance, HMS Prince of Wales, the Royal Navy's second aircraft carrier, is currently in the Indian Ocean. It hosts at least 18 advanced F35 jets – roughly half of Israel's total.
In other words, Britain could expand the Israeli strike capability by 50 per cent – and launch from much closer to Iran itself than either the IDF or the US Air Force.
And that does not include the Tomahawk cruise missiles carried by the Astute-class nuclear-powered submarine escorting the carrier.
All this would be a significant contribution to the war – and it is potentially a major card for the UK to play, if it so chooses.
If he is wise, Starmer would demand a price for such help. That price would be influence over the objectives and execution of the campaign, including rules of engagement.
In other words, a seat at the table in deciding how this crisis plays out, and a veto on any plan that Britain considers reckless or a threat to its own interests – which should include the well being of Iranian civilians.
The Americans and Israelis might be wary of giving London any such influence – but they might decide that the firepower offered by the Prince of Wales is worth that price.