Macron Warns Trump Of 'US Credibility Test' As Russia Rejects Ceasefire, Intensifies War In Ukraine
Russia Accelerates Attacks On Ukraine, Zelensky Fumes, Why Does Trump Pursue Diplomacy With Putin?
Russia Ukraine War | Trump To Sit Down With Zelensky And Putin To Achieve A Ceasefire | News18
'NATO Escalation Near…" Russia Fumes, US 'Considering' Lifting All Biden-era Restrictions on Ukraine
John Mearsheimer Says Russia Ukraine War Will Be "Decided On The Battlefield" And Putin Will 'Win'
More from world
Kim Inspects Artillery, Russia Gives Pantsir Air Defense To North Korea For Aiding War On Ukraine
Explosive Intel Says Iran 'Seeking Nuclear Weapon', Saudi Warns 'Take Offer Or Risk Israeli Strikes"
State-Owned Media Air Kim's Latest Bid To Strengthen Military
trending news
Add'l instalment of tax devolution to be released to states on June 2: FinMin
Metros' share in loans dips to 58.7 pc in 5 years: RBI
Prez Murmu to attend Central Tribal University convocation in Vizag on Jun 10
India, Chile conclude first round of talks for proposed comprehensive trade pact
latest news
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Mint
an hour ago
- Mint
US Envoy Calls Hamas Answer to Truce Proposal ‘Unacceptable'
Hamas said it submitted a response to the US proposal for a truce in Gaza, but Trump administration envoy Steve Witkoff quickly dismissed it as 'totally unacceptable.' 'Hamas should accept the framework proposal we put forward,' Witkoff said Saturday in a post on X. He added that further talks on a truce 'can begin immediately this coming week.' The key differences between the US proposal and Hamas's response appeared to be the duration of any truce and the extent to which Israeli forces withdraw. Hamas responded earlier in the day to the US proposal with changes that aimed 'to achieve a permanent ceasefire, a comprehensive withdrawal from the Gaza Strip, and ensure the flow of aid to our people and our families in the Strip.' As part of the agreement, Hamas said in a statement it would release 10 living Israeli prisoners and return 18 bodies, in exchange for an agreed-upon number of Palestinian prisoners, according to the statement. The group didn't specify whether it was accepting or rejecting the proposal. Israel had earlier accepted the US ceasefire proposal for Gaza, which Witkoff said on social media involved a 60-day ceasefire and the release of half the living hostages and half of the dead ones. Israeli officials familiar with the matter said the proposal would also restore United Nations-led aid distribution to the Palestinian territory. Hamas, which is designated a terrorist organization by the US, European Union and many other countries, is seeking amendments to some points, including the timing of the hostage release, delivery of aid and withdrawal of Israeli forces, the Associated Press reported, citing an unidentified official. An earlier ceasefire ended in mid-March and talks over a new truce have stalled as Hamas has insisted on a full Israeli withdrawal from Gaza, while the Israeli government wants the group to disarm and disband. International pressure to halt the protracted war has grown as the humanitarian crisis worsened in Gaza. Relief agencies say more than 2 million civilians in the ruined coastal enclave have been brought to the brink of famine by Israel's 11-week blockade. While food deliveries resumed this week under the auspices of a Swiss-based nonprofit Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, the rollout has been dogged by delays and chaos. While it's unclear whether Israel will accept any new conditions or amendments to the US proposal, at least some members of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's government expressed optimism over the prospects for a truce. Speaking to Channel 12 TV on Saturday following reports of the Hamas response, Israeli Energy Minister Eli Cohen, a member of Netanyahu's security cabinet, said: 'I assess that time is not on the side of Hamas, and therefore that it will ultimately agree to the Witkoff proposal.' With assistance from Dan Williams. This article was generated from an automated news agency feed without modifications to text.
India Today
an hour ago
- India Today
Iran says Oman presented elements of US nuclear deal proposal
Iran's Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi said his Omani counterpart presented elements of a US proposal for a nuclear deal between Tehran and Washington during a short visit to Tehran on House press secretary Karoline Leavitt said later on Saturday that US President Donald Trump's special envoy Steve Witkoff "has sent a detailed and acceptable proposal to the Iranian regime, and it's in their best interest to accept it."Araqchi said in a post on X that Iran "will respond to the US proposal in line with the principles, national interests and rights of people of Iran".advertisementHis statement came ahead of an anticipated sixth round of talks between Washington and Tehran to resolve a decades-long dispute over Iran's nuclear programme. The date and venue of the talks have not been announced yet. "President Trump has made it clear that Iran can never obtain a nuclear bomb,'" Leavitt said in a statement, confirming that the US proposal had been communicated to Iran. She declined to provide further said on Friday that an Iran deal was possible in the "not-too-distant future."Earlier in the week, Trump told reporters he had recently warned Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu not to take actions that could disrupt nuclear talks with Iran. Those comments appeared to signal US concern that Israel might strike Iran's nuclear facilities while US diplomatic efforts were under himself has repeatedly threatened to bomb Iran's nuclear facilities if diplomacy fails to achieve a of the main sticking points in the talks between US and Iranian officials has been US insistence that Iran give up its nuclear enrichment facilities, a demand Iran who has restored a "maximum pressure" campaign on Tehran since February, ditched a 2015 nuclear pact between Iran and six world powers in 2018 during his first term and reimposed crippling sanctions on the intervening years, Tehran has steadily overstepped the 2015 agreement's limits on its nuclear programme, designed to make it harder to develop an atomic bomb. Tehran denies it is seeking a nuclear Watch
Time of India
2 hours ago
- Time of India
US, Pak, China: The post-Sindoor world calls for a strategic reset
India's pushback to Pakistan's provocation in Pahalgam is an inflection point in regional geopolitics. There are big-picture lessons that must be absorbed to reorient Indian statecraft in a rapidly changing international and regional setting. The Sino-Pakistan axis has acquired an operational reality that is difficult to ignore and not straightforward to counter. Most strategists recognise that India's conventional superiority over Pakistan means little in the context of controlled limited conflicts that are likely to occur under the nuclear shadow. For all practical purposes, Pakistan is a near-peer military competitor. This is now further complicated by the presence of China's military industrial complex that can selectively tilt the scales in Pakistan's favour. China's PLA, whose primary mission is to deny access to and potentially defeat the US in the Taiwan Straits, has spent the past decade modernising its forces for such a scenario. The focus has been on developing capabilities such as modern sensors, electronic intelligence satellites, electronic warfare, long range air-to-air missiles, and advanced tactical-combat aircraft. It is apparent that some of these capabilities have made their way to the Pakistan military. Build on thaw: While the Sino-Pak axis is worrying, there is room to wean China away from Pakistan China can buttress Pakistan's conventional power to keep pace and perhaps even surpass India in select areas in the future. What works to India's advantage is that unlike US and NATO hardware that come with well-known caveats and geopolitical risks, our 'no-strings attached' partnership with Russia's advanced military -industrial complex allows the Indian military to integrate its growing indigenous capacities with select high-technology systems to maintain a qualitative edge. This being said, it is futile for India to engage in an all-out arms race (in essence, with China) or frantically build up conventional power. Strategic nuclear and conventional deterrence for major contingencies is robust and expected to strengthen over time. Remember, the main challenge is countering asymmetric warfare with the new doctrine of assured and calibrated cost imposition on Pakistan. The means can vary over time — from the conventional to the sub-conventional to non-traditional areas like water security. There are obvious limits to China's ability to protect Pakistan from the blowback of its asymmetric warfare. There are larger questions that Indian policymakers can no longer brush under the carpet. Why did the Sino-Pak axis acquire such momentum in recent years? And, should India do anything to reshape Beijing's calculations in the subcontinent? First, there is no doubt that India's declared China-centric alignment with the US over the past decade was the lightning rod for Beijing to deepen ties with Rawalpindi much beyond its traditional partnership model. But the US had no desire to open a geopolitical front with China in the subcontinent and did little to shore up India's regional position. The US was primarily interested in drawing India into an extra-regional maritime role to support its security goals in the Western Pacific. Quite extraordinarily then, the Chinese counter to India's bold balance of power move with the US not only went unchallenged in the subcontinent, it actually led to a tacit convergence between Washington and Beijing on upholding Pakistan's basic position in the regional order and the primacy of the Pakistan army at home. Nothing demonstrated this stark geopolitical reality to Delhi more than the recent crisis. Can Indian statecraft arrest the deterioration in the regional chessboard that is partly the result of miscalculation from its own geostrategies? Beijing's primary geopolitical threats emanate from its eastern seaboard and will only grow over time. There is room to wean China away from Pakistan and bring Beijing's regional policy back towards a balance that is acceptable to Delhi. For this to occur, India must build on the 2024 thaw reached between the two leaderships and explore the possibility of a framework to normalise India-China relations. As for the US, the normal will be different with or without Trump. There is no scope for a balance-of-power play with the US in the subcontinent. It was self-deception to imagine India could simply ride American power to emerge as South Asia's leading power. That outcome will have to be earned the way all regional and great powers acquired their material and normative strength — through broadening the domestic industrial, technological and human capital base of the Indian economy while intelligently leveraging the international environment. There is no other way in our multipolar age. India doesn't have to get bogged down in a low-level game with the Pakistan army. Nor should India swing into a proxy crusader against a rising China whose sights are set on countering the US in the Western Pacific. This crisis is an opportunity to craft a sophisticated grand strategy for a multipolar world. Only geopolitical incompetence can disrupt the India story from its long-range goals. Facebook Twitter Linkedin Email Disclaimer Views expressed above are the author's own.
