‘What are they hiding?' Florida lawmakers shut out of Alligator Alcatraz
Armed only with state law and a growing list of humanitarian concerns, state Senators Shevrin Jones and Carlos Guillermo Smith, along with Representatives Anna V. Eskamani, Angie Nixon and Michele Rayner, arrived at the gates of the facility to conduct what they saw as a legally authorized inspection. What they encountered instead was silence, locked doors and a bureaucratic wall.
The state's shifting justification for not letting them in — first a flat denial, then vague 'safety concerns' — only fueled suspicions.
'This is a blatant abuse of power and an attempt to conceal human rights violations from the public eye,' the legislators said in a joint statement. 'If the facility is unsafe for elected officials to enter, then how can it possibly be safe for those being detained inside?'
Just hours earlier, Republican officials and even former President Donald Trump had toured the same site without issue. When the lawmakers attempted to speak with Florida Department of Emergency Management officials by phone, the call was abruptly cut off.
Now, with reports of flooding, extreme heat and detainees allegedly being held without due process, legislators say the administration of Gov. Ron DeSantis administration is operating a secretive, $450 million detention network with no oversight— and no regard for the law.
The state legislators Michele Rayner arrived at the site to conduct what they said was a lawful inspection under Florida Statutes 944.23 and 951.225, which grant legislators access to state-operated detention centers without advance notice. Instead of transparency, they were met with locked gates and silence.
Under Florida law, members of the Legislature have the clear right to access any state-run detention facility, including prisons and jails, without needing prior approval or notification. That legal mandate was ignored, according to Representative Michele Rayner, a civil rights attorney who represents parts of Pinellas and Hillsborough counties.
'For two hours, we waited. We cited the law. We cited the press release announcing our visit. Still, we were denied,' said Rayner. 'They cited 'safety concerns,' even though just hours earlier President Trump and GOP lawmakers had toured the very same facility.'
Rayner said that when she asked whether she could visit a client being detained inside, she was again refused—contradicting statements made to her moments earlier by Florida Department of Emergency Management officials. When legislators tried to clarify the denial with the agency's general counsel and legislative affairs director, the call was abruptly disconnected.
'This is America right now,' Rayner said. 'And everyone should be concerned.'
The delegation's visit came just one day after migrants were transferred into the detention center despite flooding caused by ongoing summer storms. Lawmakers say they've received reports of extreme heat, poor infrastructure, and a lack of mosquito protection, conditions they say that may be endangering the health and safety of detainees.
'I was bitten by insects as soon as I got here. My lips started to swell. And I'm outside for just a few minutes,' said Rep. Angie Nixon of Jacksonville. 'Imagine what it's like for the people inside who don't have bug spray or clean bedding.'
Nixon expressed particular concern over reports in the Miami Herald that pregnant women and children could be housed in the facility. 'We're spending $450 million on this while refusing to expand Medicaid and closing public schools in Duval County,' she said. 'This is not about public safety—it's about cruelty as campaign theater.'
Smith did not mince words, calling the site a 'makeshift immigrant detainment camp in the middle of the Everglades swamp,' built through no-bid contracts awarded to major Republican campaign donors.
'This isn't about detaining dangerous criminals,' Smith said. 'It's about detaining housekeepers, cooks, and immigrants who had legal status five minutes ago—until it was stripped away by policy.'
Smith referenced a Miami Herald story that revealed the state may bring pregnant women and children to the site, despite public claims that the facility was intended for 'the worst of the worst.' ICE data shows that fewer than 10% of current immigration detainees in Florida have any violent criminal history, and the majority had no prior offenses.
'We're detaining vulnerable people for political spectacle,' Smith said. 'And it's not a coincidence this facility was unveiled just days after our legislative session ended—avoiding any real oversight.'
Jones added that the facility, built with $450 million in state funds, does not qualify for federal support. 'The federal government has said this facility is ineligible for grants,' he said. 'That means it's 100% on Florida taxpayers—and it was done without a single committee hearing or floor debate.'
Jones emphasized that both Democratic and Republican lawmakers should be concerned. 'This is not a partisan issue,' he said. 'We have a duty to ensure that state-funded operations uphold basic standards of decency and legality.'
Rep. Anna Eskamani from Orlando described the detention center as a 'political stunt' orchestrated by DeSantis. 'Hundreds of millions of taxpayer dollars are being spent to build what is essentially a concentration camp,' she said. 'This is government by press conference and no-bid contract.'
Eskamani said reports indicate that the first detainees arrived without due process, and flooding had already compromised parts of the facility. 'We're here because the people of Florida deserve transparency. What is being hidden behind these walls?'
All five lawmakers said they plan to pursue legal remedies and initiate legislative inquiries into the construction, contracting, and operation of Alligator Alcatraz.
They also demanded that the Florida Division of Emergency Management and the governor's office provide a full accounting of who is detained at the facility, what conditions exist inside, and which companies received contracts—particularly those with political ties to the DeSantis administration.
'This is not over,' said Smith. 'We will be back, and we will not stop until we get the answers Floridians deserve.'
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
17 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Trump said he didn't know an offensive term he used in a speech is considered antisemitic
WASHINGTON (AP) — President Donald Trump says he didn't know the term 'shylock' is considered antisemitic when he used it in a speech to describe unscrupulous moneylenders. Trump told reporters early Friday after returning from an event in Iowa that he had 'never heard it that way' and 'never heard that' the term was considered an offensive stereotype about Jews. Shylock refers to the villainous Jewish moneylender in Shakespeare's 'The Merchant of Venice' who demands a pound of flesh from a debtor. The Anti-Defamation League, which works to combat antisemitism, said in a statement that the term 'evokes a centuries-old antisemitic trope about Jews and greed that is extremely offensive and dangerous. President Trump's use of the term is very troubling and irresponsible.' Democrat Joe Biden, while vice president, said in 2014 that he had made a 'poor choice' of words a day after he used the term in remarks to a legal aid group. Trump's administration has made cracking down on antisemitism a priority. His administration said it is screening for antisemitic activity when granting immigration benefits and its fight with Harvard University has centered on allegations from the White House that the school has tolerated antisemitism. But the Republican president has also had a history of playing on stereotypes about Jewish people. He told the Republican Jewish Coalition in 2015 that 'you want to control your politicians' and suggested the audience used money to exert control. Before he kicked off his 2024 presidential campaign, Trump drew widespread criticism for dining at his Florida club with a Holocaust-denying white nationalist. Last year, Trump made repeated comments accusing Jewish Americans who identify as Democrats of disloyalty because of the Democratic leaders' criticisms of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Critics said it perpetuated an antisemitic trope about Jews having divided loyalties and there being only one right way to be Jewish. On Thursday night in his speech in Iowa, Trump used the term while talking about his signature legislation that was passed by Congress earlier in the day. 'No death tax, no estate tax, no going to the banks and borrowing some from, in some cases, a fine banker and in some cases shylocks and bad people," he said. When a reporter later asked about the word's antisemitic association and his intent, Trump said; 'No, I've never heard it that way. To me, a shylock is somebody that's a money lender at high rates. I've never heard it that way. You view it differently than me. I've never heard that." The Anti-Defamation League said Trump's use of the word 'underscores how lies and conspiracies about Jews remain deeply entrenched in our country. Words from our leaders matter and we expect more from the President of the United States.'


Time Magazine
23 minutes ago
- Time Magazine
President Trump Signs 'Big Beautiful Bill' Into Law
At the White House on the Fourth of July, President Donald Trump held a 'Big Beautiful Bill' signing, complete with B-2 bombers. The most sweeping policy achievement of his second term so far includes tax cuts, eliminates taxes on tip and overtime, slashes Medicaid funding, food benefits, and clean energy incentives, and is expected to add $3 trillion to the national debt. Trump hailed it as "the greatest victory yet" in his remarks before the signing on Friday. "It's the most popular bill ever signed in the history of our country," he stated. Earlier in the day, Americans nationwide took to the streets to protest the signing at 'Free America' demonstrations. About 300 events are listed on the Women's March website. Participants are speaking out against what they see as an authoritarian president who works for the wealthiest citizens. The House passed the bill Thursday by a narrow margin, 218-214. All Democrats voted against it, and every Republican voted for it, except Kentucky Congressman Thomas Massie and Pennsylvania Congressman Brian Fitzpatrick. New York Congressman Hakeem Jeffries tried to delay the vote by talking for eight hours and 45-minutes, breaking the House record for longest floor speech. The bill passed the Senate earlier in the week after Vice President JD Vance cast a tie-breaking vote. Even though public opinion of the "Big Beautiful Bill" is looking ugly so far, some experts say Trump comes out seeming stronger than ever. In an article published after the House vote, TIME summed up the significance of the bill's passage as 'a moment when President Donald Trump's hold on the Republican Party was tested — and he won.' Longtime Republican pollster Whit Ayres told TIME that Trump's control over the GOP 'is as close to total as any President has ever had over his own political party.' Whether the American public comes to see the 'Big Beautiful Bill' as 'beautiful' remains to be seen. A June 26 Quinnipiac poll found 29% of voters support the bill, 55% opposed it, and 16% did not have an opinion. What's clear is that Democrats will hold the bill against Trump during the 2026 midterm election campaign season.


The Hill
29 minutes ago
- The Hill
How Trump pushed Republicans to yes — again and again — on his landmark bill
On a late February evening, President Trump sealed the deal for the first vote on his 'one big, beautiful bill' with a conversation that brought one House Republican to tears. And into the wee hours of Thursday morning, Trump's conversations with GOP holdouts helped unlock the final vote on the major legislation, getting it to the president's desk by his July 4 deadline. Over and over as House Republicans crafted, debated and headed for topsy-turvy, history-making votes on Trump's marquee legislation, holdouts on both the moderate and conservative ends of the conference threatened to derail the bill. Some aides and members thought that even after initial successes in the House, there was a chance it could all fall apart. But at nearly every major juncture, Trump — working closely with House GOP leaders —- came in to close the deal, often without having to make concessions or alter his strategy. 'He truly does have, to steal a phrase from Steve Jobs, a reality distortion field,' one top Republican aide said. 'People come into that field, they go beyond the limits of what they think are possible for themselves.' Conversations with more than a dozen House GOP members, Republican aides in Congress and the White House, and other sources over the last five months demonstrated that Trump's influence was essential to get the legislation across the finish line in the razor-thin House GOP majority that is notoriously difficult to keep united. Months before the 2024 election, Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) and other House Republicans began preparing for the possibility of a Republican trifecta that could use the special budget reconciliation process to bypass the threat of a Democratic filibuster and deliver major Republican wish list items along party lines. The wish list eventually turned into the most significant single Republican bill in decades that extended tax cuts, added new tax cuts, gave funding boosts for immigration enforcement and defense — offset with slashes to spending on Medicaid, food assistance, clean energy initiatives and student loans. But when House Republicans gathered for their annual policy retreat at Trump's resort in Doral, Fla., in January, deficit hawks were highly skeptical of what they were hearing from leadership. Republicans were slow to make progress on a framework, and were divided about whether to tackle the president's agenda in one or two bills. An antsy Senate threatened to take the wheel if the House GOP couldn't get its act together. 'The catalyst for accelerating progress was the meeting with the President' in early February, said Rep. Andy Harris (R-Md.), the chair of the hardline conservative House Freedom Caucus — referring to a marathon meeting with House GOP leaders and an ideological cross-section of the conference. Trump opened the meeting and set the tone for the lawmakers to dig into some nitty-gritty budget details. What really got the Freedom Caucus on board was a novel mechanism in the budget resolution — a framework that sets parameters for the final bill — to tie a minimum of $1.5 trillion in spending cuts to $4 trillion in tax cuts, requiring the number of spending cuts to go up dollar-for-dollar if tax cuts went up too. Pitched to leadership in a late-night meeting in the Speaker's suite the night before a committee vote that had already been delayed, deficit hawks thought the tools would be the key to forcing the Senate — notorious for moderating legislation — to swallow the House's plans. Not every deficit hawk was sold, though, by the time the resolution hit the House floor in late February. Reps. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.), Warren Davidson (R-Ohio,) and Victoria Spartz (R-Ind.) were sticks in the mud — and Johnson made a public 'prayer request' ahead of the vote. At the time, Republicans could only afford to lose one GOP vote and pass the party-line measure. They were down two members who resigned after being picked for Trump administration roles. House Democrats brought back a member who had given birth a month earlier and another who was in the hospital to squeeze Republicans as much as they could. In the cloakroom off the House floor, Johnson and House Majority Leader Steve Scalise (R-La.) worked to win over Davidson. Around the corner was Spartz, with House Majority Leader Tom Emmer (R-Minn.) going between her and Davidson. Once Davidson agreed to vote yes, leaders tried to get Massie to vote present rather than no to unlock the vote, to no avail. Spartz huddled in a phone booth and spoke to Trump for around 25 minutes. The tears-prone Ukrainian-born Indiana congresswoman cried during the conversation, multiple sources said — and emerged saying she was still a no. Leaders were devastated. They moved to punt the vote, sending members away. But then, Spartz had another brief conversation with Trump — and suddenly changed her mind. That sent leaders scrambling to text members telling them to come back just minutes after they had sent them away — a stunning reversal and marked one of the wildest floor votes most could remember. Republicans adopted the budget resolution with the libertarian-leaning Massie being the only Republican 'no.' Publicly, Spartz only later said that Trump made a 'personal commitment to save healthcare.' While fiscal hawks got to yes because they were heartened by the broad outline of the House bill, several moderate Republicans who were worried about steep cuts to Medicaid had voted yes because they believed the Senate would moderate the framework. Instead, the Senate passed a budget resolution that gave two separate sets of fiscal target instructions for each chamber — infuriating the fiscal hawks who had wanted commitments from the upper chamber about the final bill hitting at least $1.5 trillion in cuts. Even House Budget Committee Chair Jodey Arrington (R-Texas) said in a scathing statement that the Senate resolution was 'unserious and disappointing.' When it came back to the House for approval in April, fiscal hawks deemed it 'DEAD ON ARRIVAL,' with some Freedom Caucus members pitching ideas like sending the legislation back to the Senate with an amendment, which would add steps to the legislative process. Trump wooed some members with an Oval Office meeting the week of the vote. And he made another direct appeal at a National Republican Congressional Committee fundraiser dinner: 'You just gotta get there. Close your eyes and get there.' But when the time of the vote came, enough holdouts remained to stall the vote for hours as fiscal hawk holdouts and leadership talked in a ceremonial room of the House floor. The air in the hallway outside grew thick with cigar smoke as other members passed the time in the neighboring room — before GOP leaders eventually pulled the vote as negotiations on possible fixes continued. Emmer, the House GOP Whip, was furious. He wanted to call the deficit hawks' bluff and force a vote that night. Pulling it, he thought, could embolden members to make demands and make leadership look weak. He didn't think ideas like sending an amendment to the Senate was feasible, and didn't attend discussions the rest of the night as Scalise and Johnson remained. Johnson eventually hatched the idea with the members to hold a press conference the following morning with Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.) to calm their concerns and make public commitments. Thune stopped short of explicitly committing to the $1.5 trillion number, but said it was his 'ambition' to do so — while some fiscal hawks claimed he made more explicit promises behind the scenes, satisfying them enough to vote to advance the bill while only delaying more clashes on policy. After House Republicans endured weeks of marathon committee sessions crafting the specifics of their legislation, Trump made a rare and significant journey down Pennsylvania Avenue ahead of a vote on the package before a self-imposed Memorial Day deadline. The two-hour speech was more like a political rally, members said. But both deficit hawks pushing for even more conservative policies and blue state Republicans seeking a deal to boost the state and local tax deduction (SALT) cap still had issues with the bill — which Harris, the Freedom Caucus chair, made clear to reporters immediately after the meeting. 'The president I don't think convinced enough people that the bill is adequate the way it is,' Harris said. It wasn't Harris's first dismissal of Trump. The month before, he had turned down an opportunity to go meet with Trump at the White House, saying 'there's nothing I don't understand about this issue.' White House officials were extremely frustrated by many of the public statements made by House conservatives throughout the process. And in May, their sense was that the Freedom Caucus members were trying to extract too much. Trump held an intense Oval Office meeting with Freedom Caucus members the next day — where his patience ran out. The president tore into Harris, multiple sources present and briefed on the meeting said. The president had seen Harris's comments and didn't like them — and told Republicans needed to unite and get the job done. One member who was in the meeting jokingly described it as 'intense fellowship' — borrowing a favorite phrase of the Speaker. 'The two of us are both pretty passionate about what we believe in,' Harris later said of the exchange. Both the SALT holdouts and the Freedom Caucus members eventually secured some deals ahead of the vote — a higher $40,000 SALT deduction cap for the blue-staters; speedier phase-in Medicaid work requirements and phase-out of green energy initiatives for the conservatives. The bill passed with two Republican 'nays'— Massie and Davidson — while Harris, who later said the vote was the hardest one of the whole process, voted 'present.' While the deficit hawks required the most personal touch from Trump, blue-state Republicans concerned with SALT were some of the toughest nuts to crack. But leaders had a more tangible path to win their votes: A deal to raise the SALT cap. Weeks of intense negotiation had resulted in a deal between the SALT Republicans and House GOP leaders, but the deal had to face skeptical Senate Republicans, none of whom hail from high-tax blue states. Trump deputized Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent to negotiate with the House moderates and reach a deal that could pass muster in both chambers. Over a 24-hour period in June, members of the SALT Caucus met with Bessent three times in his conference room for 'direct' and 'blunt' conversations. In the end, the group settled on a $40,000 cap for five years, which would snap back to $10,000 after. Still, when the Senate put its stamp on the legislation over marathon sessions in late June, neither the moderates nor the deficit hawks in the House were happy. The Senate was forced to strip some provisions that the chamber's parliamentarian found didn't meet the requirements for the budget reconciliation process. It softened reforms on food assistance programs and lessened some rollbacks of green energy initiatives. It didn't follow the dollar-for-dollar framework on cuts. And the chamber approved late-stage deals and carve-outs to win over moderate Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska). The changes infuriated conservatives. Moderates, meanwhile, balked at the Senate taking a tougher approach on the provider tax mechanism that states use to extract more Medicaid matching dollars from the federal government. Particularly in rural areas with many Medicaid patients, moderates worried the provision 'jeopardizes the stability of hospitals.' It was personal assurances from Trump — and from Vice President Vance — that swayed members like Rep. Greg Murphy (R-N.C.), a practicing physician in rural North Carolina. Murphy was undecided on the Senate version of the bill for much of the week, but said that Trump on Wednesday gave him assurances that a $50 billion fund intended to give relief to rural hospitals will ensure the transition to implementing reforms goes 'as smooth as possible.' That conversation, he said, helped get him to a yes. For other moderates like Rep. Don Bacon (R-Neb.), a swing-seat member who recently announced he will retire after this term, the main thrust of the bill — tax cuts and a boost to defense spending — were good enough policies to overlook the Medicaid reforms he did not like, a testament to the one-bill strategy keeping the fractious House GOP conference together in the end. House GOP leaders summoned members back to Washington in what was supposed to be a recess week so they could take up the bill the day after the Senate passed it, rushing to try to meet Trump's Independence Day deadline. But the deficit hawks threatened to derail that timeline. Wednesday morning, the Speaker tried to sway the deficit hawks at a meeting a few blocks away from the Capitol. Harris emerged saying nothing changed — warning that members would sink a procedural rule vote to tee up the bill, and that Johnson needed to send changes back to the Senate. There was nothing else leaders could do. Trump had to close the deal. Trump summoned the Freedom Caucus members to the White House, meeting with them for around two hours and making significant progress with some. Rep. Ralph Norman (R-S.C.), who that morning had pledged to sink the rule vote, said he would support the bill after assurances from Trump about how the bill would be implemented and additional money-saving actions the administration would take. Separately, Davidson — who voted no on the initial bill — said he would support it after seeing how mad Democrats were about the bill. A technical procedural vote stayed open for over seven hours on Wednesday, breaking the record for longest House vote in history, as members went in and out of meetings with more Trump administration officials. Bessent went over revenue projections with members; Office of Management and Budget Director Russ Vought talked to members about his plan to use executive authority to claw back funding. Freedom Caucus holdouts said they wanted more time, and votes should resume in the morning. But leaders decided to call their bluff: They started the rule vote at around 9:30 p.m., pledging to hold it open for as long as it took to win over the holdouts, even if it meant all night. Trump posted furiously on social media: 'What are the Republicans waiting for??? What are you trying to prove??? MAGA IS NOT HAPPY, AND IT'S COSTING YOU VOTES!!!' Breakthroughs came in the wee hours of Thursday morning. Trump called a group of the holdouts, including Massie and Spartz. Massie suggested he was ready to drop his opposition to support the procedural vote if Trump stopped attacking him (though he ultimately voted against the final bill). The rest of the holdouts were ready to advance, too — but Rep. Scott Perry (R-Pa.) had left to drive home to his House two hours away to get a change of clothes, and they waited for him to drive back to Washington, D.C. Suggestions from leadership that Perry skip the rule vote and vote yes on the bill were shut down; the holdouts all wanted to flip together. Johnson prayed with the holdouts — and snapped a picture of them on the House floor. Bill passage was on the horizon. After a record-breaking, nearly nine-hour speech from House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.), House Republicans sent the bill to Trump's desk with just two GOP defections: Massie and moderate Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-Pa.). The rapid change even surprised Vance, who posted: 'At times I even doubted we'd get it done by July 4!' Even though the deficit hawks did not get any tangible changes before flipping, they insisted they got new commitments from the administration — and defended their months-long strategy. 'Six months ago, we were being told we'd be lucky to get $300 billion in savings,' said Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas), policy chair of the Freedom Caucus. 'We kind of threw down, and we're fiscal hawks, and we got $1.6 trillion.' But everyone agreed that passage wouldn't have happened without the push from Trump. 'President Trump was so generous with his time answering questions himself. Vice President JD Vance was directly engaged. We had cabinet secretaries at a number of different federal agencies answering questions from members,' Johnson said after the bill passed. One GOP leadership aide said of Trump: 'We needed him.'