‘The Manifesto House' Review: Living the Architect's Dream
In 'The Manifesto House,' the writer and curator Owen Hopkins is eager to get into the minds of architects whose residential buildings, in the words of his subtitle, 'changed the future of architecture.' In 21 chapters divided into three somewhat overlapping subcategories—'Looking Back,' 'Looking Out' and 'Looking Forward'—Mr. Hopkins seeks to explore houses that do not 'reflect received or prevailing ideas that have become internalised among architects, builders and clients/users, and are held and enacted almost unconsciously.' The houses featured here sprang from the minds of disparate figures across time, from the Georgian neoclassicist John Soane to the postmodernist Robert Venturi, and the book includes widely known figures such as Frank Lloyd Wright and those who will likely be unfamiliar even to adepts, such as the contemporary Senegalese firm Worofila.
Any architect can imagine a daring design, and many have. Yet, as the author notes, few 'manifesto houses' exist, for the simple reason that 'it is so rare for architects to get the opportunity to put what are ultimately polemics into practice.' Clients, those pesky people who actually have to live in most houses, won't allow it. That is why 'manifesto houses,' in Mr. Hopkins's definition, tend to be built by architects for themselves to occupy, or otherwise for genuflecting admirers with 'deep interests in architecture and what it can do.'
Mr. Hopkins's definition has two aspects, which presents potential hazards: For inclusion, he states, houses should contain a polemical element and also have changed the course of architectural history. It's not clear, though, that all his chosen examples adhere to these criteria. Who can doubt that Andrea Palladio's Villa Rotonda (1566–ca. 1590), the home outside of Venice that is the subject of the book's first chapter, changed the future of architecture? Its strident symmetry and extended loggias continue to echo in buildings today, not least in the neoclassical public architecture constructed in the nascent American republic.
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an hour ago
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Abundance was always part of the point, creating a visual you just couldn't look away from. But so was sound: Mukbangers largely ate without talking, and many viewers watched mukbang videos hoping to provoke an autonomous sensory meridian response (ASMR), or a pleasant tingly feeling that many people say is the result of listening to the calming, repetitive sounds of someone eating, or tapping their nails, or gently whispering. The trend made its way to the United States shortly thereafter. By 2017, YouTubers like Trisha Paytas started creating their own mukbang videos, telling the camera about their day while eating pizza, chicken nuggets, and Taco Bell. These early American videos already differed from their South Korean counterparts. 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In this new iteration of American mukbang, ideally the food is messy — dripping with tons of sauce or so juicy that it must be eaten with latex gloves — and visually compelling, like seafood boils tinged bright red with tons of chile oil, or a hot dog dripping with chili and cheese. There's less polish to this generation of mukbangs, too: Instead of a table set with utensils and a homemade meal, it's just someone shoving delivery pizza into their face after dipping it into a giant cup of ranch dressing, remnants of sauce still lingering in the corners of their mouth. Maybe they're even sitting inside their car, a popular filming site for mukbang videos. In the ensuing years since mukbang made its way to the States, the way we consume video has changed dramatically. TikTok parent company ByteDance launched a progenitor in China in 2016; after a merge with the following year, it officially launched in the U.S. as TikTok, emphasizing short videos, under a minute long, in August 2018. By February 2019, the app hit 1 billion downloads. Today, TikTok has more than 1 billion active users per month, and now, you don't have to commit to watching an entire 20-minute (or hour-long!) eating show on YouTube. Instead, you're more likely to half-watch a three-minute mukbang video on TikTok (or its competitor, Instagram Reels, which launched in 2020) while you're waiting for the subway or doomscrolling on the couch. The shorter format has made it easier to buy into this type of content, whether you're the creator making it or the viewer watching it. As current TikTok feeds show, early mukbang videos proved that there's a strong human desire to watch (mostly) normal people do (mostly) normal stuff. We now go to Instagram to watch people put on their makeup in wildly popular 'Get Ready With Me' videos, and gawk while creators do chores and go to the grocery store in 'Day in the Life' TikToks. We watch people restock the groceries in their refrigerators and deep-clean their bathrooms. This is a distinctly mundane type of voyeurism, but one that I often find myself unable to stop engaging in, for reasons I can't quite explain. The widespread popularity of mukbang is just further proof that basically everything we do for fun — or for sustenance — can be turned into content. Social media virality has a way of flattening things, of drilling down concepts like mukbang into their basest, most easily replicable form. You don't need to cook a bunch of food, you just need to swing through a drive-thru. You don't even really have to plan ahead, either — you can just throw open the TikTok app and start eating. When I first reported on the rising popularity of mukbang in 2017, it felt very clear that these videos are, on some level, a way for many people to combat the loneliness that they feel in an increasingly isolated society. Many people eat their meals alone at home, and watching someone else eat and chat while warming up your boring frozen TV dinner creates the illusion of dining with someone else. We're arguably even more isolated now than in 2017. The enshittification of social media platforms like X (formerly Twitter) and Facebook means that we're not even seeing content from our friends and family anymore, just a constant onslaught of AI slop and advertising. That makes mukbang videos, with human faces and voices front and center, even more compelling. Many of these videos lean into creating a friendly, intimate connection between creator and viewer, styled to feel a bit like FaceTime calls. 'Hey besties, let's eat,' one creator cheerily yells as she prepares to dig into a plate of steak and scallops. And while there's nothing inherently wrong with wanting to watch someone eat, I do think that there's a more sinister element to the proliferation of mukbang, one that's intimately connected to our ongoing cultural obsession with the pursuit of thinness. In an era when millions of Americans are taking weight-loss drugs that severely limit their ability to eat at all, there seems to be something uniquely appealing about watching someone else eat all the carbs and fried food that you're denying yourself, whether that's a massive spread of fast food or just an order of fries. 'Either I feel satisfied by watching them eat, or I end up disgusted by the amount of food,' wrote one user on a forum for people with eating disorders. 'Either way I don't feel hungry afterwards.' If it is true that we're all watching mukbangs because we're lonely and terrified to eat 'fattening foods,' that's just the clearest reflection of the society that we're living in that I've ever seen. Everyone is craving comfort and connection and a nonstop dopamine drip, and platforms like TikTok are all too happy to provide them. It's just that, like watching someone eat, a simulacrum of emotional connection doesn't actually fill you up.