AICC eyes Christian face for KPCC
KOTTAYAM: As moves for a change of guard at the helm of the Kerala Pradesh Congress Committee (KPCC) gather pace, all talk is now centred around naming a person from the Christian community to the position. Even as Pathanamthitta MP and former Kottayam DCC president Anto Antony has emerged as a strong contender, the AICC leadership has reserved its decision, at least for the time being, as a consensus remains elusive.
In addition to Anto, the names of former Kannur DCC chief and Peravoor MLA Sunny Joseph, and senior leader and Chalakkudy MP Benny Behnan are actively being considered. The AICC seems keen to take into account the concerns of the Christian community, especially the Catholic Church, over inadequate representation in the party leadership, especially after the era of A K Antony and Oommen Chandy. The Church has aired its concerns on multiple occasions.
While Anto has the backing of the AICC leadership, with Priyanka Gandhi Vadra blessings, Sunny is the preferred nominee of the Syro-Malabar Church.
The party leadership's stance has not gone down well with the Church. Apart from the fact that its nominee is being overlooked, Anto does enjoy good relations with the Church, say Christian leaders. Meanwhile, there is a strong feeling among senior leaders that both Anto and Sunny will come up short when pitted against CPM's seasoned Pinarayi Vijayan and BJP's new generation leader Rajeev Chandrasekhar, prompting them to back an extended term for K Sudhakaran.
Meanwhile, the Church is viewing reports of Anto enjoying the support of Changanassery archbishop Thomas Tharayil as mere propaganda aimed at sidelining its nominee. While trhe Church initially planned to release a statement debunking the rumours, it ultimately decided against it, preferring not to intervene in Congress politics. Anto's links to the Pentecostal Church have also created hesitation among some Church leaders.
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- The Wire
Joachim and Violet Alva: A Parliamentarian Couple Who Made History
This article is part of a series by The Wire titled 'The Early Parliamentarians', exploring the lives and work of post-independence MPs who have largely been forgotten. The series looks at the institutions they helped create, the enduring ideas they left behind and the contributions they made to nation building. Joachim Ignatius Sebastian Alva and Violet Hari Alva were the first Parliamentarian couple in history. Violet and Joachim were elected to the Rajya Sabha and the Lok Sabha respectively in 1952. Together, the Alvas fought for independence, played a key role as lawyers, edited journals and proved themselves to be great parliamentarians. Joachim, born in Udupi in the then South Canara district of the erstwhile Madras Presidency on January 21, 1907, was a lawyer, journalist and politician from Mangalore. He was a prominent Mangalorean Catholic figure involved in the Indian independence movement. Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty. Violet was born in Ahmedabad on April 24, 1908. The two met at Bombay's Government Law College and married on November 20, 1932. Their partnership ended only in 1969, when Violet passed away. After independence, Joachim was appointed the sheriff of Bombay in 1949. In 1950, he entered the Provisional Parliament of India. He was elected to the Lok Sabha in 1952, 1957 and 1962 from North Canara. He was nominated to the Rajya Sabha in 1968 and retired in 1974. Joachim belonged to the Alva-Bhat, a Mangalorean Catholic clan from Belle in Udupi district. He was educated at the Jesuit St. Aloysius College, Mangalore, Elphinstone College, Government Law College, Mumbai and the Jesuit St. Xavier's College, Mumbai. In 1928, Joachim became the first Christian to be elected as secretary of the fifty-year-old Bombay Students' Brotherhood. Along with Khurshed Nariman, H.D. Raja, Yusuf Meherally and Soli Batliwala, he was a pioneer of the Bombay Youth League. In 1930, Joachim founded the Nationalist Christian Party with the goal of drawing the Christian community into the freedom struggle. He borrowed and earned money to pay his way through college, but was later expelled for moving a resolution at the Catholic Students Union, urging it to throw open its doors to non-Catholic students. In 1937, Joachim presided over a large meeting of Christians in Bombay addressed by Jawaharlal Nehru. As a young intellectual, he was the other brilliant orator in that meeting. Joachim after all was the best speaker in St Xavier's College in the year year 1927. He also won the gold medal at All-India Inter-Collegiate Oratorical Competitions, Banaras University, 1934. Joachim was actively involved in organising the 'No-Tax' campaign at the Bardoli Satyagraha, the boycotting of the Simon Commission and appointed President of the Bombay Congress 'War Council'. Imprisoned twice by British Indian authorities on charges of sedition for a total of three years, Joachim Alva was jail companion to Vallabhbhai Patel, Jayaprakash Narayan, Morarji Desai and J. C. Kumarappa. In 1934, Mahatma Gandhi wrote a letter to Joachim to inform him that he had missed him at Yerwada Jail because of his early release. He played an important role in the freedom struggle In 1941, in Nasik prison, Joachim wrote two books: Men and Supermen of Hindustan and Indian Christians and Nationalism. Although the manuscripts of both were confiscated by prison authorities, Men and Supermen of Hindustan was subsequently re-drafted and published in 1943. An early advocate of planning, the public sector, nationalised banking and state control over major industries, he condemned France's napalm bombing of Indo-China and staunchly supported the Vietnamese cause. In 1962, Joachim led India's attempts for closer ties with China, meeting Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai in passed away on June 28, 1979 at the age of 72. In 1937, Joachim Alva married Violet, a Gujarati Protestant from Ahmedabad and professor of English at St. Xavier's Indian Women's University College. Violet would also go on to become active in national politics. In 1943, she was arrested by British Indian authorities. She carried her five-month-old baby son, Chittaranjan, into Arthur Road Jail where she was imprisoned. Violet was born Violet Hari on April 24, 1908 in Ahmedabad. She was the eighth of nine children. Violet's father, Reverend Laxman Hari, was an Indian pastor of the Church of England. She graduated from St. Xavier's College, Bombay and Government Law College. For a while thereafter, she was a professor of English at the Indian Women's University, Bombay. Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty On August 9, 1943, the first anniversary of Quit India Day, Joachim and Violet founded and debuted Forum , a weekly news magazine which became known for championing the cause of independence. The magazine became a platform for patriotic Indians to write without fear and put across the Indian point of view in times of British rule. Forum blazed a trail in Indian journalism, marking the beginning of a trend of political weekly news magazines. Joachim's office was often raided for seditious material. In spite of the sweeping powers of the British Raj, he penned a historic editorial, 'Halt This March To the Gallows'. In 1944, Violet also started a women's magazine, The Begum , later renamed Indian Women . From 1945 to 1953 she was the secretary of the Agripara Rehawasi Sevamandal in Mumbai. In 1946–47 she was the deputy chairperson of the Bombay Municipal Corporation. In 1944, she was the first woman advocate in India to argue a case before a full high court. In 1947, Alva served as an honorary magistrate in Mumbai; and from 1948 to 1954, she served as the president of the juvenile court. She was actively involved with numerous social organisations such as the Young Women's Christian Association, the Business and Professional Women's Association and the International Federation of Women Lawyers. She was also the first woman to be elected to the Standing Committee of the All India Newspaper Editors Conference in 1952. In 1952, Violet was elected to the Rajya Sabha, where she made significant contributions to family planning, rights of animals subjected to research and defence strategy, especially the naval sector. She cautioned the government to be careful when dealing with foreign capital and supported linguistic states. She was Union deputy minister for home affairs from 1957 to 1962 when Jawaharlal Nehru was prime minister. In 1962, Violet became the deputy chairperson of the Rajya Sabha, thereby becoming the first female to preside over the Rajya Sabha in its history. She served two consecutive terms in Rajya Sabha as deputy chairperson. Her first term commenced on April 19, 1962 and continued until April 2, 1966. Her second term began with her election to the office of deputy chairperson on April 7, 1966 and she held the position until November 16, 1969. In 1969, Violet resigned after Indira Gandhi declined to back her as vice-president of India. Five days after she resigned as the deputy chairperson of the Rajya Sabha, on November 20, 1969, she died from cerebral haemorrhage at her residence in New Delhi. Following Violet's death, both Houses of the Parliament were adjourned for a short interval that day as a mark of respect to her. The couple were close associates of Khin Kyi, Burma's ambassador to India from 1960, widow of Burmese nationalist General Aung San. A portrait of Joachim and Violet Alva the first parliamentarian couple was unveiled in Parliament in 2007. A commemorative stamp of late Joachim and Violet Alva was released by President Pratibha Patil in New Delhi in November 2008, coinciding with the birth centenary year of Violet Alva. Joachim and Violet Alva had two sons, Niranjan and Chittaranjan, and a daughter, Maya. Niranjan is married to Margaret Alva, née Margaret Nazareth, former general secretary of the All India Congress Committee, former Union minister and governor of Uttarakhand and Rajasthan. Qurban Ali is a trilingual journalist who has covered some of modern India's major political, social and economic developments. He has a keen interest in India's freedom struggle and is now documenting the history of the socialist movement in the country. The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments.
The Wire
3 hours ago
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From Custodianship to Control: The Conflict Around Sacred Sites in the Eastern Mediterranean
Menu हिंदी తెలుగు اردو Home Politics Economy World Security Law Science Society Culture Editor's Pick Opinion Support independent journalism. Donate Now Politics From Custodianship to Control: The Conflict Around Sacred Sites in the Eastern Mediterranean K.M. Seethi 34 minutes ago The very concept of religious endowments, spiritual heritage, and independent worship is jeopardised when sacred spaces are subordinated to administrative decisions and development agendas. St. Catherine's Monastery in the Sinai Peninsula, Egypt. Photo: Joonas Plaan via Wikimedia Commons (CC BY 2.0) Real journalism holds power accountable Since 2015, The Wire has done just that. But we can continue only with your support. Contribute now In recent years, sacred sites across the Eastern Mediterranean have become flashpoints in a broader conflict between religious heritage and state power. When Turkey's highest court ruled in 2020 to reconvert the Hagia Sophia from a museum into a mosque, global reactions were swift – critiquing what many viewed as a retreat from secularism and an assertion of majoritarian identity over pluralist heritage. Now, a similar controversy gets underway in Egypt, where a court ruling on May 28, 2025, declared that the 1,500-year-old St. Catherine's Monastery and its surrounding lands are 'public property' of the state, purportedly ending its historical autonomy. This ruling has triggered a rift between Cairo and Athens and provoked deep concern among the global Orthodox Christian community. Despite Egypt's formal assurances that the monastery's religious character will be preserved, the court's assertion of state ownership indicates a shift with far-reaching implications, not only for the monks who inhabit the site, but for the principle of religious custodianship itself. Much like the Hagia Sophia decision, Egypt's move is not merely administrative. It rather reflects a wider recast in how sacred spaces are governed, framed, and politicised in the name of national identity, development, and control. The court ruling has resulted in strong resistance from the monastery's monks, who have now closed the sacred site in protest and visitors are not allowed to enter the place. Historical continuity and legal precedent St. Catherine's Monastery, established in 548 AD by order of Byzantine Emperor Justinian I, is not merely an architectural relic. It is one of the oldest continuously inhabited Christian monasteries in the world, and a symbol of religious coexistence in the region. Placed at the foot of Mount Sinai, where tradition holds that Moses received the Ten Commandments, the monastery occupies sacred terrain central to Abrahamic religious memory. Its legal and moral foundation, however, extends beyond its Christian origins. Following the Arab conquest of Egypt in the 7th century, the monastery was granted a written covenant of protection (ʿ ahd) reportedly issued by Prophet Muhammad himself, and transcribed by Caliph Ali ibn Abi Talib. Though the original manuscript was later taken to Istanbul by Sultan Selim I during the Ottoman conquest, a copy remains housed in the monastery's archive. This covenant, promising the security of the monks, their property, and their freedom of worship, became a touchstone for interfaith legal protection under Islamic governance, an example of how early Islamic legal thought could accommodate pluralism. This protective tradition was reaffirmed over centuries by successive Islamic dynasties, including the Umayyads, Abbasids, Fatimids, Ayyubids, Mamluks, and Ottomans. These regimes issued firmans (royal decrees) upholding the Prophet's covenant, thereby creating an enduring chain of recognition that spanned religious, linguistic, and political divides. Also Read: Has India's Suspension of Indus Waters Treaty Caused a New Faultline in South Asia? Even under postcolonial Egypt, no previous regime – not even during the nationalist wave following the 1952 revolution – sought to unilaterally redefine the monastery's legal status or revoke its historically acknowledged autonomy. A key feature of the monastery's operational continuity was its network of waqf properties – endowments legally donated under Islamic law from both Christian-majority and Muslim-majority territories, including Cyprus, Crete, Cairo, Gaza, and Syria. These waqfs were not informal gifts but were formally registered, validated by Islamic qadis (judges) and court notaries, and formed part of the economic bedrock supporting the monastery's religious and charitable activities. The Islamic legal framework thus became a custodian of Christian monasticism, demonstrating a rare case of juridical pluralism, in which Islamic courts institutionalised the preservation of a non-Islamic religious community. Thousands of historical manuscripts, written in Arabic, Greek, Syriac, Coptic, and Georgian, remain preserved within the monastery's library, some dating back to the 4th and 5th centuries, including the famed Codex Sinaiticus, one of the earliest complete copies of the Christian Bible. These texts reflect a shared intellectual heritage, with scholars from both Christian and Muslim worlds contributing to the preservation and study of sacred knowledge. The library is considered second in global significance only to the Vatican Library. Against this deeply interlocked legal and religious history, the 2025 Egyptian court ruling that classifies the monastery and its lands as 'public state property' appears legally ahistorical and morally discontinuous. The claim disregards not only centuries of uninterrupted monastic use but also binding legal customs rooted in Islamic jurisprudence. Furthermore, the idea that the monastery's inhabitants are merely beneficiaries rather than legal custodians – after over 1,450 years of unbroken presence – undermines both Islamic norms of protected dhimmi status and international principles on the rights of religious minorities and cultural property. In essence, the monastery stands at the crossroads of sacred continuity and statist disruption. Any attempt to recast its status as a purely administrative or developmental concern must reckon with a multifaith legal ecosystem, one that long upheld coexistence and recognised historical possession, religious function, and communal stewardship as grounds for legal legitimacy. The 'great transfiguration project' and tourism-driven development Launched in 2020, Egypt's ' Great Transfiguration Project ' aims to transform the Saint Catherine area in South Sinai into a premier destination for religious, environmental, and medical tourism. The initiative includes the development of infrastructure such as hotels, bazaars, heritage centres, and even an airport, all designed to attract a global audience of pilgrims and tourists. The project is promoted by the Egyptian government as a means to showcase the spiritual and historical significance of the region, particularly Mount Sinai, revered in Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. While officials assert that the monastery's sanctity will remain untouched, critics express concern that the project's true intent is to appropriate sacred land and reframe the space as a state-controlled tourism hub. This could potentially compromise the spiritual character of the area and the autonomy of the monastery. The ruling, which declares the monastery and surrounding sites as state property, goes in line with a broader pattern of the Egyptian state centralising control over religious and heritage sites – a policy trend that some describe as 'Neo-Ikhwanism' in practice, despite the regime's avowed opposition to the Muslim Brotherhood. The judiciary's role in this case, appearing to follow executive instructions, has raised further questions about the independence of Egypt's legal system in matters involving religious minorities and cultural heritage. The Greek Orthodox Church has denounced the ruling as an attempt to alter a system that has been in place for 15 centuries. Hagia Sophia and comparative reflections Both St. Catherine's Monastery in Egypt and Hagia Sophia in Turkey are symbolic of ancient Christian heritage, shaped by centuries of religious coexistence and later, politicised reinterpretation. Founded under Emperor Justinian I in the 6th century, St. Catherine's Monastery has continuously functioned as a Greek Orthodox monastic site at the foot of Mount Sinai. It gained protection under Islamic rule due to a covenant (achtiname) reportedly issued by the Prophet Muhammad himself, guaranteeing the safety and autonomy of the monastery and its monks. Similarly, Hagia Sophia, built in 537 CE by the same emperor, served as the seat of Eastern Orthodoxy for nearly a millennium before its conversion into a mosque after the Ottoman conquest of Constantinople in 1453. It was later secularised into a museum by Kemal Atatürk in 1935 – symbolising modern Turkey's secular turn – until its controversial reconversion into a mosque in 2020 by President Erdoğan. Both sites are UNESCO World Heritage Sites and represent a shared history of interfaith reverence and cultural diplomacy. However, their status in the 21st century reveals a troubling pattern – religious heritage sites are increasingly reinterpreted through state-centred narratives. While Hagia Sophia remains open to visitors with Christian mosaics veiled during Islamic prayers, the recent court ruling in Egypt effectively transfers ownership of St. Catherine's to the state, rendering the monks 'beneficiaries' rather than rightful custodians. This redefinition of sacred space – whether as a mosque-turned-museum or monastery-turned-tourist site—points to a clearer erosion of religious pluralism. Both cases raise urgent questions about the future of minority heritage in the face of state appropriation, and about the fragility of interfaith pacts that once upheld mutual respect and autonomy. While Hagia Sophia's reconversion caters to nationalist-religious sentiment, the expropriation of St. Catherine's reflects a more bureaucratic assertion of sovereignty over religious minorities. In both cases, long-standing interfaith understandings – whether Ottoman-era endowments in Istanbul or early Islamic covenants in Sinai – are being reinterpreted or sidelined by modern states seeking to consolidate control over religious heritage. Implications and the erosion of religious pluralism The legal redefinition of ownership and use of Saint Catherine's Monastery brings significant implications for religious pluralism, minority rights, and cultural preservation in Egypt. The very concept of religious endowments, spiritual heritage, and independent worship is jeopardised when sacred spaces are subordinated to administrative decisions and development agendas. The Egyptian state's position also raises questions about its international credibility, particularly in light of UNESCO conventions. Saint Catherine's Monastery has been designated a World Heritage Site since 2002, recognised for its cultural and historical significance. The move risks diplomatic fallout with Greece and broader Orthodox Christian communities, as well as undermining Egypt's image as a promoter of religious coexistence. The case of Saint Catherine's Monastery is not an isolated legal matter – it serves as a serious test case for how modern states treat ancient religious traditions and the communities that uphold them. It is also a barometer of Egypt's commitment to historical continuity, interfaith pacts, and pluralist governance. The encroachment – whether direct or administrative – on such a profound spiritual site calls for urgent international dialogue and domestic introspection. If the Egyptian government continues to advance its tourism ambitions at the expense of sacred heritage, it risks transforming a sanctuary of prayer into a showcase of expropriated piety – a place where ancient holiness is preserved not for spiritual veneration but for curated spectacle. The author is Director, Inter University Centre for Social Science Research and Extension (IUCSSRE), Mahatma Gandhi University (MGU), Kerala. He also served as ICSSR Senior Fellow, Senior Professor of International Relations and Dean of Social Sciences at MGU. The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments. Make a contribution to Independent Journalism Related News 7 Indians Injured in Deadly German Car Attack; Saudi Ex-Muslim Suspect with Far-Right Views Arrested Who Gets to Think in India? Renaming the Pataudi Trophy: Understanding Why the Decision Matters Arrest of Ashoka University Professor: NHRC Says Haryana Police Yet to Respond to Its Notice Is Ashoka University the Next Target After Professor Ali Khan? 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India Gazette
3 hours ago
- India Gazette
"Will discuss it in cabinet meeting today," says Karnataka Home Minister G Parameshwara on caste census
Bengaluru (Karnataka) [India], June 12 (ANI): Karnataka Home Minister G Parameshwara on Thursday said that today's cabinet meeting will discuss the caste census re-survey, as several communities have raised concerns about missing or incorrect data. Speaking to mediapersons, Karnataka Home Minister G Parameshwara said, 'We will discuss it in today's cabinet meeting. Many people have raised many questions. Therefore, we will review it in today's special cabinet meeting. We also discussed whether it should be taken to the session. The party high command has also asked us to review it. Some people have said that our community has been left out. Some have said their numbers are less than the actual. That is why we are discussing it today.' Earlier, Karnataka Deputy Chief Minister DK Shivakumar questioned the BJP's intention in questioning the state government's decision to re-conduct the caste census. 'The BJP was opposed to the earlier caste census, citing data sanctity issues. We have announced a redo of the census, but the BJP is still opposing this too,' he said, while speaking to reporters here. Asked about BJP criticising the decision to reconduct the caste census, he said, 'The BJP did not accept the earlier caste census report, why the opposition now when we are trying to address the concerns? We are not rejecting the earlier census, we are only trying to correct the shortcomings of the earlier survey in order to allay concerns of several communities.' Asked if the survey would be conducted in a scientific manner this time, he said, 'The modalities would be discussed in the Cabinet meeting. Several communities, including Lambanis, Jains, Bestha communities had met me and raised concerns on the earlier survey. The previous survey was also done scientifically through door-to-door visits, but some of the people were hesitant to share their caste details. Our national leaders have given us certain guidelines. The AICC President too has given us many suggestions. The CM will discuss this in the Cabinet meeting and make a decision.' Bihar, Karnataka and Telangana have already conducted a caste census in their respective state. Telangana has also implemented a 42 per cent backwards class reservation for people in the state. The Karnataka State Commission for Backwards Classes has also submitted the caste census (socio, economic and educational survey) report to the Siddaramaiah-led cabinet. The caste census report, if released, will be the second by a Congress-ruled state, after Telangana. (ANI)
