
US judge orders conditions be improved in New York immigration facility
On Tuesday, Judge Lewis Kaplan issued a temporary restraining order that mandated Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) to implement reforms at 26 Federal Plaza, a government building in Manhattan where one floor contains holding cells for migrants and asylum seekers.
The restraining order requires the government to limit capacity at the holding facility, ensure cleanliness and provide sleeping mats.
'My conclusion here is that there is a very serious threat of continuing irreparable injury, given the conditions that I've been told about,' Kaplan said.
Under Kaplan's order, the government will be forced to thoroughly clean the cells three times a day and provide adequate supplies of soap, towels, toilet paper, toothbrushes, toothpaste and feminine products.
He has also instructed immigration officials to allocate 4.6 square metres (50 square feet) per person, shrinking the capacity of the largest room from 40 or more detainees to just 15.
Finally, to ensure access to legal representation, Kaplan said the government must ensure detainees have accommodations to make confidential, unmonitored and unrecorded legal telephone calls.
Inside the complaint
The changes come in response to a complaint filed by lawyers for a Peruvian asylum-seeker named Sergio Alberto Barco Mercado, who was taken into custody on August 8 after appearing for a scheduled court date.
He was imprisoned at 26 Federal Plaza after his arrest. But his lawyers have argued that Barco Mercado and others in the facility have faced 'crowded, squalid, and punitive conditions'. They also said they were denied access to their client after his arrest.
Barco Mercado testified that the holding room was 'extremely crowded' and 'smelled of sewage' and that the conditions exacerbated a tooth infection that swelled his face and altered his speech.
'We did not always get enough water,' Barco Mercado said in a sworn declaration. 'There was one guard who would sometimes hold a bottle of water up and people would wait to have him squirt some into our mouths, like we were animals.'
Barco Mercado has since been transferred to a facility in upstate New York.
In court filings, other detainees complained that they had no soap, toothbrushes or other hygiene products while locked in the 26 Federal building.
They also said they were fed inedible 'slop' and endured the 'horrific stench' of sweat, urine and faeces, in part because the rooms have open toilets. One woman having her period could not use menstrual products because women in her room were given just two to divvy up, the lawsuit said.
A mobile phone video recorded last month showed about two dozen men crowded in one of the building's four holding rooms, many lying on the floor with thermal blankets but no mattresses or padding.
ICE responds to allegations of ill treatment
At Tuesday's hearing, a government lawyer conceded that 'inhumane conditions are not appropriate and should not be tolerated'.
'I think we all agree that conditions at 26 Federal Plaza need to be humane, and we obviously share that belief,' said Jeffrey S Oestericher, a representative for the US Attorney's Office in the Southern District of New York.
The government also tried to downplay allegations of overcrowding at the facility and inhumane conditions.
In a sworn declaration, Nancy Zanello, the assistant director of ICE's New York City Field Office of Enforcement and Removal Operations, wrote that 24 people were held in the building's four holding rooms as of Monday.
That number was well below the 154-person limit imposed by the city fire marshal for the floor.
Zanello also said that each room was equipped with at least one toilet and sink, and hygiene products were available, including soap, teeth cleaning wipes and feminine products.
The 26 Federal Plaza site has become a flashpoint in New York as the city contends with President Donald Trump's crackdown on undocumented immigration.
The holding cells are on the 10th floor, just two floors below an immigration court. The building also houses the New York field office for the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and other government offices.
While ICE has conducted high-profile raids on factories, farms and other workplaces elsewhere in the country, New York City has seen its immigration arrests largely unfold in court buildings, as migrants and asylum seekers exit their civil immigration hearings.
Critics have denounced such arrests as violations of the right to due process. They warn that, by carrying out arrests in court buildings, officials could discourage foreign nationals from pursuing lawful paths to immigration.
But in January, the Trump administration rescinded guidelines that limited immigration arrests in 'sensitive locations', court buildings generally considered to be among them.
An analysis published this week by local news outlet The City found that half of all court arrests nationwide in late May and early June took place in New York City.
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Al Jazeera
8 hours ago
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The visuals of masked federal agents, hopping out of armoured vehicles, in military-style gear and swiftly descending on what ICE enthusiasts would claim are terrorists, rapists, paedophiles, murderers, drug traffickers and gang members, are deeply comforting for many in the US. This is a consequence of a long history where militarised policing gained a semblance of sacrosanctity in the country. It is well documented that contemporary policing in the US has its origins in slave patrols. This means that the development of the US criminal justice system has its roots not only in slavery, but also in the belief that slave revolts or any effort to upend the racial hierarchy in American society are an existential threat to the established social order. Over the years, the gradual militarisation of the police has drawn its rationale from periods of perceived existential crises in American society. Whether it was the rise of organised crime during the Prohibition era of the 1920s, uprisings during the civil rights movement of the 1960s, or when President Richard Nixon declared drug addiction 'public enemy no 1' requiring an 'all-out offensive', these have served as the pretext for strong, military-style policing on American streets. This militarisation of the police has been supported by Section 1033 of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 1997, which President Bill Clinton signed into law, allowing local law enforcement agencies to access excess military equipment from the Department of Defense (DOD). The 1033 programme has allowed the DOD to 'sell or transfer', among other things, mine-resistant ambush-protected vehicles, grenade launchers, aeroplanes and helicopters. This love affair with ICE is also a cultural phenomenon. The hard-edged, violent and brash cop, willing to stray outside the bounds of the law to protect innocent civilians from evil (the Muslim terrorist, the Soviets, the Germans) is a popular Hollywood and American TV show staple. This has normalised the perception that to keep America safe from such existential threats, it is sometimes necessary to use deadly force or extrajudicial actions, no matter how cruel or excessive they may seem. Of course, in all of this, we cannot ignore the deep, anti-immigrant sentiments that drive the support for ICE. In my adult life, this xenophobia has taken many forms. As an 18-year-old college student in upstate New York in the early 2000s, I was the physical epitome of all things evil and anti-American as the country waged its 'Global War on Terror'. At the time, I remember a fellow student justifying the extra security checks I had to suffer through at airports, saying, 'You cannot ignore the fact that you look like the people who hate us.' In my late 20s as a PhD student in Copenhagen, I had to hear a senior colleague say, 'You're Indian. I guess your skill is raping women.' He was referring to the 2012 Delhi bus gang rape and murder that received global attention. Globally, we have also seen a proliferation of reality TV shows like Border Security: Australia's Front Line and Nothing to Declare UK that claim to show the reality of the multiple threats that Western countries encounter at their borders. It is now all but commonplace to imagine the figure of the migrant as a vessel for all things we fear and hate. When Syrian refugees arrived in Europe in 2015, they were portrayed as a security threat, a burden on public services, and a threat to European values. Last year, the United Kingdom saw a wave of far-right anti-immigrant riots after a mass stabbing of girls in Southport. The riots followed false claims that the attacker was a Muslim migrant. Rioters attacked minority-owned businesses, the homes of immigrants and hotels housing asylum seekers. This year, Ireland has seen anti-immigrant attacks on South Asians, including a six-year-old girl who was punched in the face and hit in the genital area. Reportedly, these attacks have been fuelled by anger over the affordability and housing crisis. Such anti-immigrant sentiments have been endemic to American politics. While the discourse during the Obama years was not as antagonistic, the removal of undocumented migrants was still a political priority. President Obama was called 'deporter-in-chief', and in 2012, deportations peaked at 409,849. That said, in the same year, he also signed the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) policy, allowing undocumented migrants who were brought into the country as minors to apply for 'renewable two-year periods of deferred action from deportation, allowing them to remain in the country'. DACA also made them eligible for work permits. Deportations were also a priority during the Biden years. In fiscal year 2023, US immigration authorities deported or returned 468,000 migrants, surpassing any single year during Trump's first term. That said, during Trump's tenure in the White House, the anti-immigrant rhetoric has been vicious, and the Republican leader does not shy away from portraying migrants as synonymous with criminality and an existential threat to the demographic, moral and cultural fabric of the United States. This framing of immigrants as a problematic presence in American society served as a pretext for Trump's plan to build a wall across the US-Mexico border to stop the movement of undocumented migrants, the travel ban on citizens from several Muslim countries, and a suspension of the US Refugee Admissions Program. Trump's second term has only been a continuation of such policies. With the genocide ongoing in Gaza and the concurrent visibility of the Palestine solidarity movement, the anti-immigration movement has merged with anti-Palestinian racism, with ICE also targeting pro-Palestine activists whom the Trump administration claims hold views that are antithetical to American values. With all of this in the background, it then makes sense that an actor who once played an undocumented alien on TV and who himself has Japanese heritage would join ICE. In the era of Trump, targeting the tired and poor huddled masses who yearn to breathe free seems to be the American way. The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial stance.