'Voluntary' or Forced? Inside the renewed push to relocate Palestinians

Shafaq News

2 days ago

Shafaq News
Once confined to fringe discussion, the relocation of Palestinians—whether framed as 'voluntary migration' or outright forced transfer—has become part of mainstream policy discourse. The shift has been driven by statements from senior officials, leaked strategic documents, and modeling by influential think tanks, blending ideological motivations with complex legal and humanitarian challenges.
In July 2025, Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz proposed establishing a 'humanitarian city' in Rafah, under full military control, as a holding zone for displaced Gazans. Israeli well-known human rights lawyer Michael Sfard described the plan as 'a blueprint for crimes against humanity,' warning that it amounted to 'population transfer to the southern tip of Gaza in preparation for deportation outside the strip.' The Wall Street Journal reported that feasibility studies had been tied to the plan, though the consulting firm named later denied involvement.
This follows an October 2023 leaked 'concept paper' from Israel's Intelligence Ministry that examined scenarios for Gaza's future, including relocating its 2.3 million residents to Egypt's Sinai Peninsula via tent camps evolving into permanent settlements. While the government dismissed the paper as hypothetical, the prospect of systemic displacement sparked alarm domestically and internationally.
In March 2025, the Boston Consulting Group modeled a relocation scheme to Somalia, Somaliland, Egypt, Jordan, and the UAE, estimating that 25 percent of Gazans might accept relocation 'voluntarily,' with projected economic benefits of $4.7 billion for host states. UN officials and Arab governments condemned the idea as a modern form of ethnic cleansing.
US President Donald Trump has gone further, publicly suggesting resettlement in Egypt, Jordan, Albania, Indonesia, or Libya. In a January 2025 interview, he described his vision as part of rebuilding Gaza into 'the Riviera of the Middle East' under temporary US administration. Arab leaders rejected the proposal outright, while rights groups and legal experts argued it violated core Palestinian rights and international law.
Israeli demographer Yoram Ettinger, known for his work with the America–Israel Demographic Research Group, has long highlighted demographic imbalances between Arabs and Jews in historic Palestine. While not explicitly calling for relocation, his work has influenced strategic thinking. On the far-right fringe, former Knesset member Moshe Feiglin has openly called for financial incentives for Palestinian emigration, paired with temporary 'tent encampments,' arguing Palestinians 'should emigrate to other countries.'
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has framed such debates within his vision of 'Greater Israel,' which in some interpretations extends into parts of Jordan, Egypt, Syria, and Lebanon. His public endorsement of 'voluntary migration' from Gaza has been met with skepticism, given the coercive conditions under siege and bombardment.
Reports of Israeli discussions with South Sudan about potential resettlement were denied by Juba's foreign ministry as 'baseless.' Egypt has repeatedly refused to host displaced Gazans, with President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi warning that such moves would undermine regional stability and justice. Jordan, Lebanon, and other Arab states have rejected permanent resettlement, citing the destabilizing impact of previous refugee influxes.
Former Israeli diplomat Alon Pinkas called Katz's Rafah plan 'unviable, impractical, and morally depraved,' adding that it should still be taken seriously as evidence of a shift in Israeli operational thinking.
A November 2024 Human Rights Watch report concluded that Israeli military actions—including large-scale destruction, starvation tactics, and mass evacuation orders—had displaced 1.9 million people, roughly 90 percent of Gaza's population. The report described these as 'widespread and systematic' violations that may constitute crimes against humanity under the Rome Statute.
Analysts from Chatham House, Al-Shabaka, and the Baker Institute stress that no displacement can be considered voluntary under siege and bombardment. As one noted, 'Voluntariness is impossible when people flee under bombardment with homes destroyed.'
Relocation proposals have named Egypt, Jordan, Somalia, Somaliland, South Sudan, Libya, Albania, and Indonesia—alongside more unlikely destinations such as Canada, Greece, and Spain. None have agreed to host large-scale resettlement; most have issued explicit refusals. Egypt and Jordan remain geographically feasible but politically opposed. Other destinations face instability or lack capacity. Indonesia's offer to treat 2,000 wounded Palestinians on Galang Island was humanitarian and temporary, not a precursor to resettlement.
Given these realities, prolonged internal displacement within Gaza and the West Bank appears far more likely than large-scale emigration abroad.
Within Israel, Netanyahu's ideological framing and military strategy have drawn resistance from senior security officials who reportedly oppose expansive displacement plans. For Palestinians, the stakes are existential: the struggle is not only for survival under siege but for the preservation of their presence, identity, and claim to their land.