Trump's ‘big, beautiful bill' losing momentum in Senate
The sprawling bill to enact President Trump's 'big, beautiful' agenda is losing momentum in the Senate in the face of blistering attacks from Elon Musk and outspoken opposition from conservatives.
Senate Finance Committee Chair Mike Crapo (R-Idaho) warned colleagues at a special conference meeting Wednesday afternoon that there are two likely 'no' votes against the bill within the Senate GOP conference, which means just one more defection would derail the legislation, according to a senator who attended the meeting.
'Crapo just said, 'I think [there] are two of us who are pretty definite no's,' which means we can't lose anybody else,' the source said.
Crapo did not name names, but colleagues assumed he was talking about conservative Sens. Rand Paul (R-Ky.) and Ron Johnson (R-Wis.).
Paul says he will vote against the bill because it includes language to raise the debt ceiling by $4 trillion, extending the federal government's borrowing authority past the 2026 midterm election.
Johnson, meanwhile, has called for Senate GOP colleagues to scrap the House-passed bill and move a smaller measure that would focus on extending the 2017 Trump tax cuts, securing the border and banking on the spending cuts identified by House committee chairs.
'What I am rock-solid on is that I can't accept this as the new normal,' he said of projections that the annual federal deficit will reach $2.2 trillion in 2025 and grow to $2.7 trillion by 2035.
'We have our chance to reverse this,' he said of growing deficits. 'I will not be responsible for continuing this.'
Paul and Johnson are stepping up their criticism of the bill just as Musk is urging lawmakers to 'KILL' the legislation, warning it will blow up the deficit.
'Call your Senator, Call your Congressman, Bankrupting America is NOT ok! KILL the BILL,' Musk posted on his social platform X.
The Congressional Budget Office projected Wednesday that the 1,116-page bill passed by the House will add $2.4 trillion to the deficit over the next decade.
Trump has set a July 4 deadline for Congress to get the bill to his desk. But some GOP lawmakers say that's looking increasingly unlikely because of a battle between Republican senators over cuts to Medicaid, the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) and the repeal of renewable energy tax incentives.
'It won't happen,' Johnson said.
'The sooner President Trump recognizes the reality of the situation, the sooner we can work on a smaller version of the bill, do the things that have to be done: Extend current tax law, increase the debt ceiling, provide border funding,' he said.
He said the package could include spending cuts already passed by the House, such as a proposal to reduce federal subsidies to Medicaid by $698 billion and reduce SNAP spending by $267 billion.
The expectation that Paul and Johnson will vote against the bill could give more leverage to Republicans who want to make other changes, further delaying the effort. Those moderates include Sens. Susan Collins (R-Maine), Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska), Josh Hawley (R-Mo.) and Jerry Moran (R-Kan.), who are warning against Medicaid spending cuts that would affect benefits.
Senate Republicans control 53 seats, which means they could only afford three defections and still pass the bill.
Collins, Murkowski, Hawley and Moran say they are closely following the proposed reforms to Medicaid.
'I am evaluating those provisions,' Collins said of the changes to Medicaid.
She said it's difficult to fully assess the bill until the Senate parliamentarian weighs in on what policy changes can remain in the legislation and which need to be stripped out for it to qualify for fast-track consideration on the floor.
She said some of the most controversial provisions 'may fall out.'
'We still don't know exactly what we're looking at,' she said.
Collins, who is up for reelection in a state that former Vice President Kamala Harris carried in the 2024 election, said she's concerned about changes to the SNAP program that would require Maine to shoulder more of its costs.
She said the bill 'switches a lot of the administrative costs' for SNAP 'onto the state.'
Murkowski said it will be 'hard' to meet Trump's deadline of passing the bill by July 4, noting that even after Republican senators reach a deal, many of the provisions will need to be vetted by the Senate parliamentarian.
Moran said he's 'waiting for where we end up in the Ag [Agriculture, Nutrition and Forestry] Committee' on reforms to SNAP.
'What we do will be different from the House. I'm analyzing and participating in the discussion,' he said.
He said the negotiations over the nutrition program for low-income Americans are 'taking time.'
Republicans at a special meeting Wednesday afternoon discussed expanding their search for savings to Medicaid, despite Trump's warning to House lawmakers last month not to 'f‑‑‑ with Medicaid.'
And, notably, they raised the possibility of changes to Medicare.
'There's a legitimate debate about, 'Can we do more with Medicaid? Are we doing too much with Medicaid? How much waste, fraud and abuse is there in Medicare? Why don't we go after that?' I think we should,' Sen. Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.) said after meeting with colleagues to discuss the bill.
Cramer said senators talked about also examining waste, fraud and abuse in Medicare to further reduce future deficits.
'There was a lot of presentation and then debate, people throwing out other ideas, like, 'What about waste, fraud and abuse in Medicare?'' he said.
But tackling waste, fraud and abuse in Medicare would be a time-consuming task and likely generate a lot of anxiety among GOP senators who are balking at cuts to Medicaid that they worry could impact benefits.
'Some people are making that case, other people are wringing their hands,' Cramer said of the internal debate.
Updated at 8:37 a.m. EDT
Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
35 minutes ago
- Yahoo
What the Trump-Musk Feud Means for SpaceX and NASA
The U.S. government relies on SpaceX to support NASA and other agencies, and the company has received more $20 billion in federal contracts for it. As Musk and Trump threaten to cut ties, here's what that would mean for the U.S.'s space ambitions.


Business Insider
41 minutes ago
- Business Insider
Trump Ready to Ditch His Tesla Car amid Musk Fallout: 'I Might Just Get Rid of It'
WASHINGTON — June 7, 2025 President Donald Trump is distancing himself from Elon Musk—publicly and materially. According to The Washington Post, Trump has told aides in recent days that he is considering selling or giving away the red Tesla (TSLA) Model S he purchased in March, a gesture that once symbolized his support for Musk. Confident Investing Starts Here: 'I might just get rid of it,' Trump told aides, according to a senior White House official who spoke on the condition of anonymity. The car, still parked near the White House as of this week, has become a visible casualty of the rapidly souring relationship between Trump and Musk. The split followed Musk's harsh criticism of the administration's latest domestic policy bill, which he publicly called a 'disgusting abomination.' That comment triggered a sharp response from the president, both publicly and privately. On Air Force One, when asked by a reporter about Musk's alleged drug use, Trump replied: 'I don't want to comment on his drug use. I don't know what his status is.' 'I read an article in The New York Times. I thought it was, frankly, it sounded very unfair to me.' But privately, Trump has reportedly told associates that Musk is 'crazy' and blamed his behavior on drug use, according to The New York Times. Musk Gave No Public Comment on the Car—But a Hint at Peace? As of Saturday afternoon, Elon Musk has not issued any public statement specifically addressing Trump's decision to unload the Tesla. However, he did respond to a suggestion from investor Bill Ackman on X that the two men should reconcile for the good of the country. 'You're not wrong,' Musk replied—his only recent public comment that could be interpreted as a gesture toward de-escalation. Beyond that, Musk has been active on X in recent days, directing criticisms at others, including Steve Bannon and critics of Tesla, but has avoided commenting directly on Trump's actions regarding the car or federal contracts. Trump Weighs Tesla Breakup The sale—or symbolic disposal—of the Tesla would mark a final, visual severing of a political and personal alliance that once had significant policy weight. Musk had been one of Trump's most prominent business backers, and the March purchase of the Model S was, at the time, framed by aides as a nod of approval to the entrepreneur's role in the administration. Now, according to officials, the car is being referred to inside the West Wing as a political relic. And while no final decision has been made, staff say it's become a quiet but pointed symbol of Trump's intent to distance himself from Musk for good. Trump himself, speaking about Musk during a press gaggle on June 6, said: 'I'm very disappointed in Elon. I've helped Elon a lot.' Whether the car is sold, donated, or simply removed from view, it now stands as a monument to one of the most dramatic falling-outs in recent political history. Is Tesla Stock Still a Buy? Meanwhile, Wall Street isn't exactly bullish on Musk's flagship automaker. According to TipRanks, Tesla currently holds a 'Hold' rating based on 37 analyst reviews over the past three months. It's a split camp: 16 analysts rate it a Buy, 10 say Hold, and 11 recommend Sell — a clear reflection of the uncertainty swirling around the company. The market seems just as cautious. The average 12-month price target for TSLA is $284.37, suggesting a 3.7% downside from its current level.

an hour ago
Democratic states double down on laws resisting Trump's immigration crackdown
As President Donald Trump's administration targets states and local governments for not cooperating with federal immigration authorities, lawmakers in some Democratic-led states are intensifying their resistance by strengthening state laws restricting such cooperation. In California alone, more than a dozen pro-immigrant bills passed either the Assembly or Senate this week, including one prohibiting schools from allowing federal immigration officials into nonpublic areas without a judicial warrant. Other state measures have sought to protect immigrants in housing, employment and police encounters, even as Trump's administration has ramped up arrests as part of his plan for mass deportations. In Connecticut, legislation pending before Democratic Gov. Ned Lamont would expand a law that already limits when law enforcement officers can cooperate with federal requests to detain immigrants. Among other things, it would let 'any aggrieved person' sue municipalities for alleged violations of the state's Trust Act. Two days after lawmakers gave final approval to the measure, the U.S. Department of Homeland Security included Connecticut on a list of hundreds of 'sanctuary jurisdictions' obstructing the enforcement of federal immigration laws. The list later was removed from the department's website after criticism that it errantly included some local governments that support Trump's immigration policies. Since taking office in January, Trump has enlisted hundreds of state and local law enforcement agencies to help identify immigrants in the U.S. illegally and detain them for potential deportation. U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement now lists 640 such cooperative agreements, a nearly fivefold increase under Trump. Trump also has lifted longtime rules restricting immigration enforcement near schools, churches and hospitals, and ordered federal prosecutors to investigate state or local officials believed to be interfering with his crackdown on illegal immigration. The Department of Justice sued Colorado, Illinois and New York, as well as several cities in those states and New Jersey, alleging their policies violate the U.S. Constitution or federal immigration laws. Just three weeks after Colorado was sued, Democratic Gov. Jared Polis signed a wide-ranging law expanding the state's protections for immigrants. Among other things, it bars jails from delaying the release of inmates for immigration enforcement and allows penalties of up to $50,000 for public schools, colleges, libraries, child care centers and health care facilities that collect information about people's immigration status, with some exceptions. Polis rejected the administration's description of Colorado as a 'sanctuary state,' asserting that law officers remain 'deeply committed' to working with federal authorities on criminal investigations. 'But to be clear, state and local law enforcement cannot be commandeered to enforce federal civil immigration laws,' Polis said in a bill-signing statement. Illinois also has continued to press pro-immigrant legislation. A bill recently given final approval says no child can be denied a free public education because of immigration status — something already guaranteed nationwide under a 1982 U.S. Supreme Court decision. Supporters say the state legislation provides a backstop in case court precedent is overturned. The bill also requires schools to develop policies on handling requests from federal immigration officials and allows lawsuits for alleged violations of the measure. Democratic-led states are pursuing a wide range of means to protect immigrants. A new Oregon law bars landlords from inquiring about the immigration status of tenants or applicants. New laws in Washington declare it unprofessional conduct for bail bond agents to enforce civil immigration warrants, prohibit employers from using immigration status to threaten workers and let employees use paid sick leave to attend immigration proceedings for themselves or family members. Vermont last month repealed a state law that let law enforcement agencies enter into immigration enforcement agreements with federal authorities during state or national emergencies. They now need special permission from the governor to do so. As passed by the House, Maryland legislation also would have barred local governments from reaching immigration enforcement agreements with the federal government. That provision was removed in the Senate following pushback from some of the seven Maryland counties that currently have agreements. The final version, which took effect as law at the start of June, forbids public schools and libraries from granting federal immigration authorities access to nonpublic areas without a judicial warrant or 'exigent circumstances.' Maryland Del. Nicole Williams said residents' concerns about Trump's immigration policies prompted her to sponsor the legislation. 'We believe that diversity is our strength, and our role as elected officials is to make sure that all of the residents within our community — regardless of their background — feel safe and comfortable,' Williams said. Though legislation advancing in Democratic states may shield against Trump's policies, 'I would say it's more so to send a message to immigrant communities to let them know that they are welcome,' said Juan Avilez, a policy associate at the American Immigration Council, a nonprofit advocacy group. In California, a law that took effect in 2018 already requires public schools to adopt policies 'limiting assistance with immigration enforcement to the fullest extent possible.' Some schools have readily applied the law. When DHS officers attempted a welfare check on migrant children at two Los Angeles elementary schools in April, they were denied access by both principals. Legislation passed by the state Senate would reinforce such policies by specifically requiring a judicial warrant for public schools to let immigration authorities into nonpublic areas, allow students to be questioned or disclose information about students and their families. 'Having ICE in our schools means that you'll have parents who will not want to send their kids to school at all,' Democratic state Sen. Scott Wiener said in support of the bill. But some Republicans said the measure was 'injecting partisan immigration policies' into schools. 'We have yet to see a case in California where we have scary people in masks entering schools and ripping children away,' said state Sen. Marie Alvarado-Gil. 'Let's stop these fear tactics that do us an injustice.'