logo
'Is my secret camera working?' - posing as a migrant to infiltrate a cross-Channel gang

'Is my secret camera working?' - posing as a migrant to infiltrate a cross-Channel gang

BBC Newsa day ago
The findings of a year-long undercover investigation into a violent migrant-smuggling gang were published by BBC News on 5 August - and, as a result, one person has now been arrested in Birmingham. Here, one of our reporters who assumed a false identity and posed as a migrant, describes how he met one of the gang's senior members in a secret forest hideout.
I am walking towards the forest near Dunkirk, thinking about the battery in my pocket. I've hidden the wires under two T-shirts, but is anything still showing? Is my secret camera working? Is it pointing at the right angle? I have, at most, three hours of battery life left, and I need to get to the smuggler's secret camp, meet him, and get out safely.This is perhaps the most dangerous and most important moment for me, the culmination of many months working on this investigation with the team.There is a small team of high-risk advisors watching my back. With gang members monitoring everyone who enters the forest, I worry my advisors may may end up exposing me rather than protecting me. But they play it perfectly and keep a low profile.I'm using a false name. My clothes are similar to those worn by other people trying to get a ride on a small boat to England. Scuffed, old shoes. A big, warm, dirty, jacket. A backpack that I've spent time trying to make look worn, as if I have travelled long, hard miles to get here.I keep going over my cover story in my head. The excuses I might need to get away quickly. The possible scenarios. We have planned and planned, but I know nothing ever goes exactly as expected in the field.
Violent Channel smuggling gang's French and UK network exposed by BBCSuspected people smuggling arrest after BBC probe
I am an Arabic-speaking man and have gone undercover before - but each time is different, and carries different risks.Over the past couple of years, I've spent a long time in northern France, trying to understand and expose the people smugglers' complicated and shadowy operations. It was not an easy decision to infiltrate a violent criminal network.I'm entering a world ruled by money, power and silence. But I'm not just curious - I also believe the gangs are not as untouchable as they seem and that I can play a role in exposing them and perhaps helping to stop them.Inside the forest, my nervousness fades. I am "Abu Ahmed" now - my false identity. I don't even feel like I'm acting a part.I'm new in town, a Syrian refugee whose asylum bid was rejected by Germany. I'm scared, desperate, a little lost and at the beginning of an uncertain journey.I walk down a path to the smugglers' camp trying to remember the way I came in.
When the smuggler, Abdullah, meets me, he is friendly but he says he needs to leave immediately. I try to sound weary. I must persuade him to wait, to talk to me quickly, while my battery is still working. Then, I can get out of there.Abdullah suspects nothing and seems entirely at ease. But I know the smugglers have guns and knives and there is only one path that leads in and out of the camp.A day later, away from the forest, I see online that there has been another fatal shooting there.One of the most difficult things during my time undercover, in the weeks before I meet Abdullah, is keeping track of the phone numbers. Gang members change them often, and sometimes you can lose months of work in a second. At times I've lost hope, seeing everything fall apart. But I keep learning.I spend a lot of time meeting people waiting for small boats around Calais or Boulogne, asking them which gang they are using, which phone numbers they have. Early mornings are spent at train stations, food distribution centres, or on the edge of forests and beaches. Sometimes I just watch, trying to melt into a crowd, to overhear conversations, to spot glances and gestures and to see who leads and who follows.I must be careful. I move from place to place in different cars over the weeks, and generally try to disappear into the background. I don't want to do or say anything that could bring me to the attention of the smugglers. They have so many eyes and ears here, and if they become suspicious, it could be dangerous for me.
Am I scared? Not too often. I have engaged with even more dangerous groups in the past. But I am worried I could make a mistake, forget a detail, and blow my cover. Or at least one of my covers.I switch phones too, contacting smugglers using different names and back stories to try to piece together who works where and what they do. I label each phone. I have French, German, Turkish and Syrian numbers. It is slow work. I'm careful to make sure I'm in the right place whenever I make a call, in case the smuggler asks me to turn on my video or send a pin showing my location.The smugglers always ask me, "Where did you get the number?" And, "Who is with you? Where are you staying? How did you get to France?"Now Abdullah does the same, asking me to send photos showing my journey to the forest from a bus stop in Dunkirk.Does he suspect me?In person in the forest, Abdullah appears friendlier than most of the smugglers I have encountered. I notice he seems keen to make all his passengers feel at ease, always responding to calls. He strikes me as ambitious.
Over time, I learn some of the gang's vocabulary. Migrants are "nafar". The junior smugglers are "rebari". The forest is always "the jungle".And now it is time for me to leave the jungle and to head back towards my team who are waiting, anxiously, at a nearby supermarket.As I leave the forest and get to the road, I'm no longer "Abu Ahmed". I'm a journalist again, tortured by questions.Did the camera work? Did I manage to film Abdullah confirming his role as a smuggler? Is anyone following me now?The walk back seems even longer.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Anger, fear and a total rejection of politics: the Palestine Action protest was a snapshot of Britain today
Anger, fear and a total rejection of politics: the Palestine Action protest was a snapshot of Britain today

The Guardian

time5 minutes ago

  • The Guardian

Anger, fear and a total rejection of politics: the Palestine Action protest was a snapshot of Britain today

In the third month of this tense, parched summer, the British state is under severe strain. Stripped of resources by 14 years of reckless rightwing government, contorting itself to maintain relations with ever more extreme regimes abroad, expanding its security powers at home through ever more tortured logic, regarded by ever more voters with contempt, a once broadly respected institution is increasingly struggling to maintain its authority. You could see the strain on the faces of some of the police officers, reddening with exertion in the sun, as they arrested 521 people in Parliament Square on Saturday for displaying pieces of paper or cardboard with a seven-word message supporting the proscribed group Palestine Action. It was one of the biggest mass arrests in London's history. The many protesters who refused to be led away had to be lifted off the ground, one by one, without the exercise looking too coercive in front of the cameras. Then their floppy, uncooperative forms had to be carried by clusters of officers through the hostile crowd – to chants of 'genocide police!', 'shame on you!' and 'fascist scum!' – to a ring of police vans at the square's perimeter, which were then sometimes obstructed by further protesters, before they eventually drove away. So many officers were needed that some had come from Wales. When Tony Blair's Labour government introduced Welsh devolution 26 years ago, in times of more harmony and less scarcity, cooperation between the nations was probably not envisaged in this form. On Saturday, so that the capital's police custody system was not overwhelmed, those arrested were taken to 'makeshift outdoor processing centres', the Observer reported – as if during a general breakdown of law and order. Some of those released on bail then reportedly went back to the protest. 'Given the numbers of people arrested,' said the Metropolitan police, 'it would have been entirely unrealistic for officers to recognise individuals who returned to [the square].' 'Entirely unrealistic' is not a reassuring phrase for those who believe that the government's approach to Palestine Action is practical and based on sound law. If charged, those arrested will enter the overburdened criminal justice system and then, if found guilty, Britain's bursting jails. It's likely that further supporters of Palestine Action will follow. The organiser of Saturday's protest, Defend Our Juries, has promised a sustained campaign of 'mass, public defiance', to make the proscription of Palestine Action 'unworkable'. This amendment to the 2000 Terrorism Act – a less benign legacy of Blair than devolution – states that anyone who 'wears, carries or displays an article' publicly, 'in such a way… as to arouse reasonable suspicion that he is a member or supporter of' Palestine Action could be jailed for up to six months; and anyone who 'invites support for' the organisation could be jailed for up to 14 years. Authoritarianism and austerity have risen together in Britain, as the relatively generous public spending of the Blair years has receded and new waves of radical activism have formed over the climate crisis and the destruction of Palestine. Yet the possibility that austerity will make authoritarianism unaffordable, with too much of the government's funds swallowed up by the security state, does not seem prominent in Labour's thinking. The fact that Keir Starmer is a former director of public prosecutions and that the home secretary, Yvette Cooper, has for many years been one of parliament's leading authorities on national security, has given them a lot of faith in law-and-order solutions to political problems. The Parliament Square protesters took a different view. They had been advised by Defend Our Juries not to give quotes to journalists, to avoid distracting from the protest's focus on the Palestine Action proscription and the genocide in Gaza. Yet the dozen protesters I spoke to informally all talked about Britain's police and politicians without the slightest deference, as part of a system that was failing, practically and ethically, to address our era's escalating crises. As the arrests went on and on, through the hot afternoon and into the evening, many of the protesters barely moved, but kept facing the same way, sitting on the ground with their placards carefully displayed and their backs to the Houses of Parliament. Partly, this was to provide a globally resonant image, but it was also to dramatise their rejection of the will of the Commons, where only 26 MPs voted against Palestine Action's proscription last month. Parliament likes to see itself as a historic defender of freedom and liberty, yet when panics about subversive groups are under way, its liberalism often evaporates. While the Commons narrows its views in times of crisis, the electorate sometimes does the opposite. Half of those arrested in the square were aged 60 or older – usually the most politically conservative demographic. Many had had middle-class careers in public service. Chatting among themselves on the grass in the quieter moments between police surges, they could almost have been taking a break between events at a book festival. One woman sat on a camping stool, wearing a panama hat. When I introduced myself, she said: 'I don't like the Guardian, I read the Telegraph.' The last time Labour was in office, opposition to its more draconian and militaristic policies also emerged across the political spectrum. The more rightwing members of this opposition can be questioned: are they as outraged when Tory governments support wars or suspend civil liberties? My sense is not. But either way, broad opposition erodes a government's legitimacy. At the 2005 election, after the Terrorism Act and the Iraq war, Blair still won, yet with almost a third fewer votes than when he came to power. With Labour more unpopular now, Starmer can less afford to alienate anti-war voters – much as his most illiberal subordinates might want to. Yet any electoral consequences from the scenes in Parliament Square, and from likely sequels, are hardly the only things at stake in the Palestine Action controversy. At mid-afternoon on Saturday, with the police cordon tightening around us, I got talking to two elderly protesters who had watched people being arrested beside them. 'I'm in two minds about carrying on with this,' one of them said, opening and closing her piece of cardboard with its illegal message. Defiant earlier, she now seemed frightened. The legally safe space for protest in Britain is shrinking again. Meanwhile in Gaza, there's no safe space for anything at all. Andy Beckett is a Guardian columnist

Nicola Sturgeon says ‘midlife crisis' tattoo may not be her last
Nicola Sturgeon says ‘midlife crisis' tattoo may not be her last

The Independent

time34 minutes ago

  • The Independent

Nicola Sturgeon says ‘midlife crisis' tattoo may not be her last

Nicola Sturgeon has revealed she got her first tattoo, describing the decision as a "midlife crisis" move, but hinted at future inkings. The former Scottish first minister displayed the new design, located on the inside of her wrist, and suggested it "might not be my last one", adding she has now "got the taste for it". The revelation came during an exclusive interview with ITV News, ahead of the publication of her memoirs, Frankly, later this week. What is Nicola Sturgeon's tattoo of? Ms Sturgeon described the design, which she came up with, as being 'kind of an infinity symbol with an arrow' – adding that stood for 'strength, resilience and continuing to move forward, even when it feels impossible'. She was asked about it when she was questioned by ITV News at Ten presenter Julie Etchingham. Ms Sturgeon said: 'Midlife crisis alert! What it is, is known really only to me, but I'll give you a kind of sense of it. It's kind of an infinity symbol with an arrow, and I came up with the design myself. 'In summary, what it signifies to me is strength, resilience and continuing to move forward, even when it feels impossible. 'And it might not be my last one now that I've got the taste for it.' In the same interview Scotland's former first minister said that she still misses her mentor Alex Salmond 'in some way'. The pair formed one of the most successful political partnerships in UK history however their relationship deteriorated and then broke down after sexual misconduct allegations against him emerged. Following a trial at the High Court in Edinburgh in 2020, Mr Salmond was cleared of all 13 charges, which included attempted rape and sexual offences. She said she was hit by a 'wave of grief' after hearing of his death in October last year. Speaking to ITV News at Ten presenter Julie Etchingham, she said: 'Even today I still miss him in some way, the person that I used to know and the relationship we used to have. 'But I thought I had made my peace with it, that I'd got to a point where I felt nothing. 'And then I got a call to tell me that Alex Salmond had died. I started crying on the phone and I just was hit by this wave of grief… and it was complicated because obviously we weren't just no longer friends, we were political enemies. 'There was no prospect I was going to be able to go to his funeral or anything like that and it was a kind of strange, strange feeling.' Mr Salmond went on to become leader of the Alba Party, which became a frequent critic of his former party the SNP. He died suddenly of a heart attack in October in North Macedonia at the age of 69. Ms Sturgeon, who succeeded him as Scotland's first minister in 2014, said: 'At the point he died, I hadn't spoken to him for years. 'I felt really deeply the loss of the relationship with him. I suddenly didn't have him. He wasn't there. I couldn't talk to him. And I went through this period of I would still talk to him in my head. 'I would have vivid dreams that we were still on good terms. And then I'd have this feeling of such sadness when I remembered the reality. 'So, I went through that process. I still missed him in some bizarre way.'

Teen (17) sent for trial over alleged Dublin pub sex attack and attempted rape
Teen (17) sent for trial over alleged Dublin pub sex attack and attempted rape

BreakingNews.ie

time35 minutes ago

  • BreakingNews.ie

Teen (17) sent for trial over alleged Dublin pub sex attack and attempted rape

A teenage boy accused of sexually assaulting and attempting to rape a woman in a Dublin pub has been sent forward for trial to the Central Criminal Court. The 17-year-old, who cannot be named for legal reasons, appeared before Judge Deirdre Gearty at the Dublin Children's Court on Monday. Advertisement He faces two counts of attempted rape and one for sexual assault of the same female on a date last year when he was aged 16. Judge Gearty noted that the Director of Public Prosecutions directed a trial on indictment. Accordingly, she acceded to a request to grant a return for trial order, sending the case to the Central Criminal Court, which has greater sentencing powers. She advised the teenager, accompanied to court by his mother and solicitor Martin O'Donnell, that he must inform prosecutors within two weeks if he intended to use an alibi in his defence. The boy, who did not address the court or indicate a plea, will be notified later of his next appearance date, which will be in the next legal term, commencing in October. Advertisement Judge Gearty also ordered gardaí to provide copies of interview videos to the defence. She also acknowledged the seriousness and complexity of the case as she granted Mr O'Donnell's request to grant legal aid to include junior and senior counsel representation. The boy was remanded on bail with terms set in June. Ireland Inquest into fatal assault of former Limerick spor... Read More At his earlier appearance, the court heard that he made no reply when charged, and there was no garda objection to bail with conditions. Mr O'Donnell said his client had consented to sign on at a Garda station once a week and that he had no contact with the alleged injured party. The teen was also ordered to hand over his passport to gardaí. No evidence about the incident was given in the juvenile court, which does not have the power to accept jurisdiction for the case.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store