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Minimum Wage To Change in 15 States, Cities on July 1: Here's Where

Minimum Wage To Change in 15 States, Cities on July 1: Here's Where

Newsweek11 hours ago

Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources.
Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content.
Hundreds of thousands of workers across the U.S. are set to get a pay bump starting July 1, as minimum wage increases take effect in more than a dozen states, cities, and counties.
According to the Economic Policy Institute (EPI), more than 800,000 workers in Alaska, Oregon and Washington, D.C. alone will see their baseline pay go up next month. Another dozen local jurisdictions—mostly in California—will also implement increases.
Why It Matters
The pay hikes come as the federal minimum wage remains stuck at $7.25 per hour, unchanged since 2009. With the cost of living continuing to rise, many states and cities have raised their own minimums through legislation, ballot measures or inflation adjustments.
This Oct. 24, 2016 file photo shows dollar bills in New York.
This Oct. 24, 2016 file photo shows dollar bills in New York.
Mark Lennihan/AP
What To Know
In Alaska, the minimum wage will rise by $1.09 to $13.00 an hour, an increase approved by voters through a ballot measure. EPI calculates the boost will affect 19,400 workers—about 6.3 percent of Alaska's workforce—and add an average of $925 per year to their paychecks.
Washington, D.C. will raise its minimum by 45 cents to $17.95 an hour due to an automatic inflation adjustment, impacting an estimated 62,200 workers, or 7.5 percent of the city's workforce. The average worker there will earn about $727 more per year.
In Oregon, about 801,700 workers—roughly 9.4 percent of the state's workforce—will see their minimum wage climb 35 cents to $15.05 an hour, also tied to inflation. That's an average annual increase of $420 per worker.
Beyond those statewide and D.C. changes, minimum wages will increase in 12 cities and counties next month.
That includes 10 cities and counties in California, with increases ranging from 45 to 59 cents an hour. New hourly rates will range from about $17.46 in Alameda to nearly $20 in Emeryville—one of the highest local minimum wages in the country. Cities including Berkeley and San Francisco will see their wages climb to $19.18 an hour, while workers in Los Angeles and surrounding areas will earn just under $18.
Outside California, Chicago, Illinois, will boost its minimum wage by 40 cents, bringing it to $16.60 an hour.
And in Maryland, Montgomery County will increase its minimum wage by 50 cents to $17.65 an hour.
The EPI estimates that about 58 percent of workers benefiting from the July 1 hikes are women, while Black and Hispanic workers will also disproportionately gain.
What People Are Saying
"These minimum wage increases will put more money in workers' pockets, helping many of them and their families make ends meet," EPI state economic analyst Sebastian Martinez Hickey said. "The average increase in annual wages for a full-time, year-round worker resulting from these minimum wage hikes ranges from $420 in Oregon to $925 in Alaska."
What Happens Next
Calls to raise the federal wage persist. This month, Republican Senator Josh Hawley of Missouri and Democratic Senator Peter Welch of Vermont introduced a bipartisan bill to lift the federal minimum to $15 per hour—more than double the current rate.
Starting July 1, employers will have to ensure they review the changes made in different cities to minimum wage rates and pay their employees accordingly.

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Elon Musk Calls Donald Trump's Big Beautiful Bill 'Political Suicide'
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Newsweek

time37 minutes ago

  • Newsweek

Elon Musk Calls Donald Trump's Big Beautiful Bill 'Political Suicide'

Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. Elon Musk made several last-ditch arguments on X ahead of Saturday's planned vote in the Senate that will look to advance President Donald Trump's "Big Beautiful" spending bill in a key vote. Musk, who had spent months as a close Trump ally during his time working for the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), very publicly criticized the bill after departing the federal government and returning to the private sector. Trump and Musk then had a very public fight over, hurling insults and allegations at each other. The tech mogul renewed his criticism on Saturday in a series of posts on X, saying first that the bill "raises the debt ceiling by $5 TRILLION, the biggest increase in history, putting America in the fast lane to debt slavery!" "The latest Senate draft bill will destroy millions of jobs in America and cause immense strategic harm to our country! Utterly insane and destructive," Musk said in a separate post. "It gives handouts to industries of the past while severely damaging industries of the future." He quickly followed it with a post that included polling by The Tarrance Group which showed the majority of all voters and even various groups of declared Republican voters agree with Musk's criticism and would grossly increase the federal budget by trillions of dollars. This is a breaking news story. Updates will follow.

Thousands Gather in Tehran to Mourn Dead from Israel Strikes
Thousands Gather in Tehran to Mourn Dead from Israel Strikes

Newsweek

timean hour ago

  • Newsweek

Thousands Gather in Tehran to Mourn Dead from Israel Strikes

Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. Hundreds of thousands of people filled the streets of Iran's capital on Saturday for a state funeral honoring about 60 Iranians killed in Israeli strikes over the past few weeks, including top military commanders and nuclear scientists. Why It Matters In what President Donald Trump has called the "12 Day War," in mid-June Israel initially struck Tehran and several other cities in "Operation Rising Lion," a campaign it said was meant to preempt a planned Iranian attack and disrupt Iran's nuclear capabilities. 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Thousands of Iranians attend the funeral ceremony for approximately 60 people killed in Israeli strikes on Iran, including high-ranking military officials, nuclear scientists, and civilians, during a state funeral service in Enqelab Square on June... Thousands of Iranians attend the funeral ceremony for approximately 60 people killed in Israeli strikes on Iran, including high-ranking military officials, nuclear scientists, and civilians, during a state funeral service in Enqelab Square on June 28, 2025 in Tehran, Iran. MoreWhat To Know On Saturday, thousands of mourners dressed in black flooded the streets of Tehran in a state funeral procession for about 60 of those killed in the strikes, with IRGC-affiliated outlet Tasnim News Agency describing them as "martyred." Caskets of the dead were covered in Iranian flags. 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"We may sign an agreement. I don't know." On Saturday, Araghchi posted on X, "If President Trump is genuine about wanting a deal, he should put aside the disrespectful and unacceptable tone towards Iran's Supreme Leader, Grand Ayatollah Khamenei, and stop hurting his millions of heartfelt followers."

Who is to blame for Andrew Cuomo's loss in New York City? It may be Andrew Cuomo himself.
Who is to blame for Andrew Cuomo's loss in New York City? It may be Andrew Cuomo himself.

Boston Globe

time3 hours ago

  • Boston Globe

Who is to blame for Andrew Cuomo's loss in New York City? It may be Andrew Cuomo himself.

He made no further public appearances that day last month, even with primary day weeks away. Cuomo, who dominated New York for a decade as governor, entered the crowded field of Democrats back in March with the force of a steamroller and a commanding lead in the polls. He wore down the Democratic establishment until it lined up behind him, strong-armed unions and seeded a record-shattering super political action committee that would eventually spend $25 million. Get Starting Point A guide through the most important stories of the morning, delivered Monday through Friday. Enter Email Sign Up But even some of his allies said that up close, the campaign sometimes looked more like a listing ship, steered by an aging candidate who never really seemed to want to be there and showed little interest in reacquainting himself with the city he hoped to lead. Advertisement New Yorkers took note. And on Tuesday, a campaign that Cuomo, 67, had hoped would deliver retribution four years after his humiliating resignation as governor ended in another thumping rebuke instead. Voters preferred Zohran Mamdani, a 33-year-old state lawmaker whom Cuomo dismissed as woefully unqualified, by a comfortable margin. Advertisement Mamdani, a democratic socialist whose relentless focus on affordability and infectious campaign presence electrified younger voters especially, certainly deserves a great deal of credit for his victory. But a dozen allies and even some of Cuomo's own campaign advisers agreed in interviews that if he was looking to assess blame for a loss that could end his political career, he needed to look at himself. 'It was a creaky 1970s political machine versus a generational talent,' said Howard Glaser, a former Cuomo lieutenant who has since fallen out with Cuomo. 'He just couldn't see it.' 'He tried to force redemption on an unreceptive public,' Glaser added. The assessment now hangs over Cuomo as he deliberates whether to renew his campaign in the fall against Mamdani on a third-party ballot line. Some wealthy New Yorkers alarmed by Mamdani's left-wing views and others are urging Cuomo to keep running. But many of his allies said there would be no real point in carrying on if Cuomo treated the general election like the primary. People who worked on his campaign, who insisted on anonymity for fear of retribution, used words like 'entitled,' 'arrogant' and 'aloof' to describe the former governor's attitude. Another called the campaign 'astonishingly incompetent.' Mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani campaigned outside Rockfeller Center in New York, on June 4. SHURAN HUANG/NYT Cuomo and his spokesperson disputed that his campaign choices -- good, bad or otherwise -- would have changed the outcome. Spokesperson Rich Azzopardi said that the campaign met its turnout goals in key districts and voting groups, particularly among Black and older voters who had a yearslong connection with the former governor. The problem, he said, was that Mamdani 'ran a campaign that managed to expand the electorate in such a way that no turnout model or poll was able to capture, while the rest of the field collapsed.' Advertisement In an interview, Cuomo dismissed the complaints of allies or advisers who said he should have shown up more around the city. 'None of these things explain the election outcome,' he said. 'They are either untrue or petty incidents that are of no consequence.' The contrast on the campaign trail between Cuomo and all the other candidates was stark. Under the rationale of protecting his polling lead, Cuomo skipped candidate forums and dodged the press as his rivals threw themselves into the city's maw with dizzying schedules. The former governor, who was born in Queens but lived most of his adult life in Albany and Westchester County, traveled in his Charger with an advance team putting out a buffer to prevent unwanted encounters with New Yorkers. Cuomo hired a platoon of consultants, but still leaned heavily on his longtime confidante, Melissa DeRosa, who had never run a city race. Mamdani built an enthusiastic volunteer army to spread his message; Cuomo largely outsourced his get-out-the-vote operation to labor unions and $25-an-hour canvassers. And in the end, Cuomo's message to an electorate hungry for change boiled down to: trust me, I've done this before. Some allies said it all contributed to an unhelpful image. 'All of us have a blind spot,' said former Gov. David Paterson, who endorsed Cuomo. 'His blind spot is that he doesn't really connect particularly well with, just, people.' For a time, it seemed Cuomo's return to power was a certainty. He began plotting a path back almost as soon as he resigned in August 2021 after sexual harassment allegations. He spent tens of millions of dollars in taxpayer funds fighting to clear his name in court, as he hungrily waited for an opening for public office. Advertisement New York Mayor Eric Adams arrived at his campaign launch rally a City Hall in New York on Thursday. Yuki Iwamura/Associated Press It arrived when Mayor Eric Adams was indicted on federal corruption charges and then persuaded the Trump administration to drop them. Cuomo, a master backroom deal-maker, exploited the opening deftly, nudging the mayor out of the primary while convincing business leaders, labor bosses and other Democrats that they should back him -- if not out of excitement than out of a sense of inevitability. 'I feel like people misunderstood my $250,000 for Cuomo for real enthusiasm,' said Mark Gorton, an investor who gave $250,000 to a pro-Cuomo super PAC. 'It was basically, 'Oh, looks like Cuomo is coming back. We don't want to be shut out. Let's try and get on his good side.'' At the time, polls showed Mamdani in second place, trailing by 20 points or more. Cuomo's allies openly pined for a two-man showdown. They figured Mamdani's socialist views and harsh criticism of Israel would act as a ceiling on his support. It turned out to be a fundamental miscalculation. In a race where a large majority of voters said the city was headed in the wrong direction and where many Democrats were looking for a change, Cuomo struggled. Cuomo launched his campaign with a 17-minute video, lecturing New Yorkers on how and why the city was spiraling to dark places. Mamdani's videos showed him spiraling across the city, riding the subways, embracing working New Yorkers and running into the icy waters off Coney Island to dramatize his call to freeze rents. Advertisement Stuart Appelbaum, the head of the retail workers union that formally endorsed Cuomo at the minimum wage rally, credited Mamdani for running a campaign about the future. 'Cuomo's campaign reflected the reality of New York from decades ago,' he said. Cuomo had another real problem. The same polls that showed him leading showed that he was also widely disliked by a large swath of Democratic primary voters who were put off by his moderate policies, domineering style or past scandals. By all appearances, Cuomo made little effort to reach them. Though it has been just four years since he resigned after 11 women accused him of sexual harassment, he offered no real contrition. He was not sorry, he said, because he had done nothing wrong. When he did venture to share a regret, he said he wished most that he had never resigned at all. Some of the governor's supporters and some of his own advisers had concerns about his low-key campaigning in real time, and pushed him to take up a more active public schedule. But Cuomo rarely strayed from his comfort zone in the pulpits of Black churches or at senior centers. Rodneyse Bichotte Hermelyn, the head of the Brooklyn Democratic Party, said she pleaded with the campaign to have Cuomo visit a mosque to build ties to Muslim New Yorkers. 'That was a very big thing,' she said. " They told me he was scheduled to go to the mosque, and then I found out he didn't. I was not too happy." Last Sunday, on the last day of early voting, Cuomo did show up at the Christian Cultural Center, a Black Brooklyn megachurch. But the Rev. A.R. Bernard, its pastor, said that after the former governor spoke 'brilliantly' for five minutes, he left rather than mingling with congregants. Advertisement 'He was not on the streets, where the people are,' he said. 'Maybe we have to be careful when we assume that we've got enough reputation, history and gravitas to float through an election like this.' Paterson described a different problem. 'Once I endorsed him, some of his campaign workers called me like I was an employee of his,' he said, demanding he show up in the spin-room of the final debate to promote Cuomo even though the candidate would not be there himself. 'I said, 'this is not my role,'' Paterson said. ''Thank you. Good night.'' This article originally appeared in

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