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Tom Flanagan: Apologizing for slavery would be a distortion of history

Tom Flanagan: Apologizing for slavery would be a distortion of history

National Posta day ago

One of the first petitions to Canada's new Parliament has landed, and the topic is slavery. Endorsed by Gord Johns, an MP from British Columbia who managed to survive the recent NDP annihilation, it demands an apology to Black-Canadians from the Government of Canada: 'Black Canadians have endured centuries of systemic racism, beginning with transatlantic slavery, followed by legalized segregation and ongoing institutional discrimination in policing, education, employment, housing, health care and the justice system.… The Government of Canada has yet to formally apologize.'
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With only 125 signatures so far from a country of 40 million people, the petition is not exactly a milestone of populist politics. Nonetheless, the issues it raises are worth clarification.
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The institution of slavery was not brought to the New World with the arrival of the European settlers. Slavery had been practised since time immemorial over most of North and South America. When the French arrived in what is now Quebec, they brought a few African slaves with them by way of their Caribbean outposts, but mostly they purchased Indigenous slaves from the Iroquois, the Illinois and other far-ranging tribes. These slaves became known as 'Panis,' after the Pawnee tribe of Nebraska that furnished many of the captives.
The noted historian Marcel Trudel has estimated that, prior to 1760, the Panis made up two-thirds of all slaves in New France. Africans afterwards became more common, but overall numbers remained relatively small. New France lacked the plantations and mines that were worked by millions of slaves in Latin America, the American south and the Caribbean, so slaves were mainly personal servants and craftsmen.
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After the Conquest, more African slaves were brought in from the United States and the Caribbean, but the English conquerors also imported the philosophy of abolition, then starting to make headway in England and its colonies. In 1793, the Government of Upper Canada (now Ontario), under the leadership of Gov. John Simcoe, passed the Act Against Slavery, outlawing the importation of slaves, one of the modern world's first anti-slavery statutes. In contrast, slavery was not abolished in the British Empire until 1834, in the United States until 1865 (with the end of a bloody civil war) and in Brazil in 1888. Far from being a mainstay of slavery and the slave trade, Canada was a leader in its abolition.
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Ottawa turns down St. John's $5M plan to turn commercial space into homes
Ottawa turns down St. John's $5M plan to turn commercial space into homes

CBC

time36 minutes ago

  • CBC

Ottawa turns down St. John's $5M plan to turn commercial space into homes

The federal government has turned down a $5 million plan from the City of St. John's to turn commercial property to residential units, according to a member of city council. While the money would not have been limited to downtown properties, St. John's city councillor Ron Ellsworth said the proposal was part of a push to get more people living in the city's downtown area. "If we want the downtown businesses, if we want the downtown services and programs to continue to serve, we need people living in the downtown and we have a lot of older commercial buildings that are very hard for conversion," he said in an interview with The St. John's Morning Show. The city applied for the money through the housing accelerator fund, a Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation (CMHC) initiative paid for by the federal government, intended to speed up housing development. The city of St. John's received $10.4 million from the fund last year, after the rejection of another previous application. CBC News has asked the CMHC to comment on why it turned down the city's proposal. Ellsworth said the city applied for the money in response to former federal housing minister Sean Fraser's challenge for "aggressive" ideas to tackle housing. "This was an opportunity to do something different, something unique. And while it was well received, obviously like all of us, you have a limited amount of funding and the federal government decided other projects ranked higher and we were not successful," he said. Ellsworth said the city wouldn't take on the task of converting commercial properties itself; rather, it would use the money to work with commercial property owners. Downtown business association in favour Scott Cluney, executive director of the Downtown St. John's business association, said he's all for commercial to residential conversions in the downtown area. "One of the things that makes a strong, vibrant downtown is more people living in the downtown," he said. "The more people who live in the downtown supports the business community in the downtown." Cluney said he doesn't necessarily believe converting commercial properties to residential units would drive commercial rent up — especially if buildings remained as mixed-use, with businesses at street level and residential units on upper floors. Though the city wasn't successful with its proposal, Cluney said he's heard from property owners who are considering commercial to residential conversions. "It's something that a lot of property owners have been looking at a fair bit in the past as especially as it relates to some of the older stock buildings," he said. Some projects are already under development. On June 3, St. John's city council advanced a proposal to convert 275 Duckworth St., a commercial property built in 1911, to residential units. Raising the Roof, a non-profit group, is planning to turn the building into 34 affordable micro-units. Ellsworth voted in favour of the proposal. "We're trying to encourage our diversity of housing options and this is the real first option we've had for the downtown core," he said. The city is in Year 2 of a housing master plan, using the $10.4 million to modernize regulations and eliminate certain fees for developers. Ellsworth said the next phase for the city is working with community organizations on further housing initiatives.

Carney shows his hand on infrastructure and trade bill
Carney shows his hand on infrastructure and trade bill

National Observer

timean hour ago

  • National Observer

Carney shows his hand on infrastructure and trade bill

Ever since June 6, when Prime Minister Mark Carney declared that he expects Bill C-5 to become law before summer break, one question has loomed over Parliament: How? It normally takes months for a bill to become law. Proposed legislation (which is what a bill is) must go through several readings and committees run by MPs and senators alike, who all call witnesses to weigh in on the pros and cons, which trigger amendments, which then require further deliberation, all before a final vote is cast. If that sounds slow, that's because it is — and it usually takes even longer in a minority government, where Opposition MPs make up a big portion of the committees and so, have ample opportunity to bog the process down. So how did Carney expect to whiz his signature policy through such a quagmire in a mere two or three weeks? But on Thursday, June 12 – one head-scratching week after Carney unveiled the bill – he dropped his cards: a special parliamentary order that would, if Parliament votes for it, condense the entire process into five days. The order's formal name is ' An Act to enact the Free Trade and Labour Mobility in Canada Act and the Building Canada Act.' Or as NDP MP Alexandre Boulerice calls it, a super-motion. '[It] will, if passed, speed up the debate and study of that bill in an incredible and scandalous way,' Boulerice said in a phone interview soon after the Act to Enact the Act was introduced. Parliament will vote on this super-motion on Friday. It requires a simple majority to pass. If that happens, a parliamentary committee will be formed next week and given just two days to scrutinize Bill C-5, plus make whatever amendments they can squeeze in. The bill will go through the final two readings and hit the floor next Friday, June 20, for a final vote. On that day, according to the terms of the super-motion, '[t]he House shall not adjourn until the proceedings on the bill have been completed.' Meaning, in other words, MPs are stuck in their seats until the bill either becomes law or dies. The procedural mystery behind the prime minister's plan to rush his treasured legislation has been unveiled. Now it's Parliament's play. All of that hinges on the super-motion. If that passes on June 13, Carney will almost certainly get his legislation by next weekend. 'It's really against the rights of parliamentarians,' Boulerice said. 'It's really anti-democratic. It's all the horrible things that a government can do to shut down debate and pass a really controversial project through the throats of the MPs and the general public and First Nations and environmental groups.' Two Acts in one Bill C-5 is really two bills in one, both named in the unwieldy title. The first part is about breaking down interprovincial barriers to trade and labour mobility, and is, in general, less controversial than the bill's second part: the 'Building Canada Act,' which would give cabinet the power to deem certain megaprojects (from pipelines and electricity grids to ports and high-speed rail) in the 'national interest,' which would then put them on a two-year fast track to federal approval. It's the second part that Boulerice, along with many environmental advocacy groups and Indigenous leaders, have deep misgivings about. ''National interest' is so vague that they can put whatever they want [on that list], and after that, guarantee the two years maximum. … Once it's on the list, it cannot be removed. It cannot be blocked or stopped by anybody – provinces, First Nations, citizens, cities. I think it's the dream of Stephen Harper coming true.' Indeed, Conservatives do appear to like the bill – the party's members, not known for their shyness about legislation they dislike, didn't once mention it or the super-motion to accelerate its passage, in Thursday's Question Period. What's less clear is whether they want to hand Carney the political gift of having his signature policy turned into law in such short order against such odds. The Conservative Party did not immediately respond to an inquiry about their plans. It's far from a done deal yet, however. Boulerice is in talks with the Bloc Quebecois, both of whom are busy scouring the 'really big book' of parliamentary procedure for tools that might at least put the brakes on the super-motion. 'We will try some obstruction procedures,' he said. In addition to motions that could slow the day down, Boulerice said they might try splitting Bill C-5 into two parts, allowing the first to rush through, while reserving the second part on 'national interest' projects for proper scrutiny.' In a best-case scenario for Boulerice, the NDP and Bloc will be able to stall voting on the super-motion until Monday. In that case, 'we'll gain some time to raise awareness' with the public, in the hopes of generating enough bad press that the bill becomes too toxic for Parliament to support. But the government is already working on getting its own message out. In a separate briefing about wildfires, several cabinet ministers were asked by reporters to explain the rush embodied by this super-motion. 'We're in a very difficult situation right now,' said Tim Hodgson, minister of energy and natural resources. 'We have a trade war that is affecting sector after sector after sector. Canadian jobs are at risk, Canadian livelihoods are at risk, and quite frankly, the prosperity of the country is at risk … to deal with this, we need to do things that we have not done in a long time, in time frames we have not done since the end of World War II. What we are doing is allowing for debate – I spent four hours last night in a committee of the whole. There is going to be the same sort of process in the Senate. It is important that we start moving, or we will find ourselves in an increasingly difficult situation.' Asked if the Liberals have spoken with Conservatives for a sense of whether they'll support this push, Hodgson said, 'I don't think it's appropriate to talk about the private conversations that are going on.' Mandy Gull-Masty, the minister of Indigenous services and a former Grand Chief of the Cree Nation government in Quebec, was also at that press conference. Asked if the government had addressed the question of First Nation consultation and support for this legislation, Gull-Masty said that in her view, Bill C-5 is 'not just critical for the Canadian economy, it's also critical for Indigenous people.' She said the prime minister has made himself personally available to Indigenous leaders across the country, and felt that Section 35, which enshrines Indigenous rights in the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, along with the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, are both embedded in the process. 'I think this is something that is unique to the One Canada Economy Bill, is that we're not just inviting Indigenous partnership to the table, we're actually asking them, 'What is your process of consultation, and how can we work with you in collaboration to carry out those steps?'' For now, it won't be Indigenous groups, or environmental advocates, or anyone but the MPs inside the House of Commons who decide whether Gull Masty's faith in her new party's good faith is warranted. And of those parliamentarians, it is now the Conservatives who hold the future of Carney's prized legislation in their hands. They could choose to gift it to him all at once, delay it until after summer, or withhold it altogether.

CBRM councillors call for thorough review of fire departments, equipment and staffing
CBRM councillors call for thorough review of fire departments, equipment and staffing

CBC

timean hour ago

  • CBC

CBRM councillors call for thorough review of fire departments, equipment and staffing

Councillors in the Cape Breton Regional Municipality have called for a full review of volunteer and career fire services over concerns about the number of departments and the cost of staffing and equipping them. This week, Coun. Gordon MacDonald called for a thorough review following talks over a lengthy list of issues raised at last week's meeting. "We know through our discussions at the committee of the whole last week that there are many deficiencies and inefficiencies happening in fire services," he said Tuesday. "We've really got to start identifying where these issues are, what [are] the issues that they're causing to fire services, where the resources are needed the most [and] how best we are able to get those resources to protect the citizens of the CBRM." Last week, the Glace Bay volunteer fire department threw up its hands and ceded budgeting of its operations entirely to CBRM's fire service. At the same time, the municipality's fire chief and deputy chief warned council that more than 20 fire trucks in various stations across the municipality are nearly 25 years old and are about to reach the end of their useful life and could cost at least $20 million to replace. Council also heard from the regional fire chiefs association that volunteer ranks are getting desperately slim. Councillors unanimously agreed to have the chief administrative officer conduct a review, but they did not set a timeline on the review or determine how it should be done. In 2016, CBRM commissioned a consultant to review the fire service, resulting in what's known as the Manitou report. It recommended centralizing control and funding of the entire fire service and eliminating some stations, but that has not happened. Deputy Mayor Eldon MacDonald said that report would be a good starting point. "We need to provide our services [as] fast and efficient to our residents as possible and currently that's not happening and that review is much needed," he said. Two stations in Sydney are staffed around the clock by unionized career firefighters. CBRM also has 32 volunteer departments throughout the county. Three of them — in the former towns of Glace Bay, New Waterford and North Sydney — are considered composite stations that are owned and run by volunteers but also have a full-time career firefighter on hand around the clock. Fire service officials say the rising cost of firefighting equipment and vehicles has made it unaffordable for many volunteer departments to operate as they used to, citing that as the main reason Glace Bay handed its budgeting over to the municipality. CBRM does provide grants for equipment and vehicles, but Deputy Chief Craig MacNeil said a basic truck now costs around $900,000 without the modifications required for local equipment and needs. He would not say that CBRM has too many departments and vehicles, but he has been asking volunteer departments about the possibility of downsizing the fleet. List of pressures going to province "We have 130 pieces of equipment right now in CBRM," he said. "That's the exact same amount of equipment [Halifax Regional Municipality] has. We have a lot of fire trucks and a lot of fire stations." MacNeil said even if a 25-year-old truck still runs, the insurance industry considers it as being at the end of its life, and keeping it in service could cost the municipality and property owners more in insurance premiums. Council has not decided how it will handle the 22 aging vehicles but has agreed to review and consider the list, and Mayor Cecil Clarke said it will be added to a list of financial pressures that CBRM intends to take to the provincial government. The overall review is also expected to consider volunteer numbers, which are a concern as well, Westmount fire Chief Rod Beresford told council last week. Beresford, who chairs CBRM's association of regional chiefs, said even in departments where numbers are higher, the volunteers are not all fully trained. In Westmount, a suburb on the opposite side of the harbour from Sydney, only one volunteer works in the area during the day, Beresford said. And a neighbouring department with more volunteers does not always have a fully trained complement, he said, so backup firefighters might be able to arrive on scene with a truck, but might not be trained to fight a large structure fire. That's why he asked for and got approval for an automatic response from career firefighters in Sydney for any call involving a possible or working structure fire in Westmount's territory. Meanwhile, a provincewide review of fire governance that's also underway is expected to be completed by the end of this year.

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