
PM Modi not to attend WWII Victory Day celebrations in Moscow: Kremlin
Prime Minister Narendra Modi will not attend the 80th anniversary celebrations of Victory Day to be held in Moscow next month, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said Wednesday (April 30, 2025).
'India will not be represented at the highest level', Mr. Peskov said.
According to local media reports Defence Minister Rajnath Singh could represent India instead of Mr. Modi at the May 9 event.
President Vladimir Putin had invited Mr. Modi and Xi Jinping of China to attend the V-day celebration in Moscow to watch the victory parade at the Red Square.
Mr. Xi has confirmed that he will attend the event. Preparations are underway to host about 20 foreign leaders in Moscow.
May 9 marks the allied nations' victory over Nazi Germany in 1945. Russia's state-run news agency quoted Putin as saying on Tuesday, 'On the banks of the Volga, our troops halted and crushed the enemy. A decisive blow was delivered to the Nazi war machine, marking a turning point in the war and opening the road westward — to Berlin and to the Great Victory, whose 80th anniversary we will solemnly celebrate very soon, on May 9.'

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Indian Express
28 minutes ago
- Indian Express
33% seat reservation: Govt looks at quota for women in next Lok Sabha polls
The Modi government intends to roll out reservation of seats for women, which is linked to the delimitation exercise, in the 2029 Lok Sabha elections, highly-placed sources said Wednesday. Official sources said the government is targeting implementation of the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam that reserves one-third of seats for women in the Lok Sabha and state assemblies in the next election. 'The Census has been announced and the other steps will follow. The women's reservation Bill is linked to the delimitation process. We are aiming to roll it out in the next election,' sources in the government said. According to the Constitution (One Hundred and Twenty-Eighth Amendment) Bill, 2023, the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam, passed in September 2023, reservation of one-third of seats for women in Lok Sabha and state Assemblies shall come into effect after an exercise of delimitation is undertaken based on figures from the first Census that is conducted after the enactment of the Act. Earlier this month, the government announced that the process of data collection for the Census, along with caste enumeration, would commence next year and offer a snapshot of the country's population as on March 1, 2027. For women's reservation to become a reality in the next Lok Sabha elections, delimitation will have to be completed well in time for the Election Commission of India to conduct the 2029 polls on the basis of the new delimitation of constituencies. Government sources claimed that the Census data will be available faster than the previous time with the advancement of technology – the enumeration will be conducted digitally using mobile applications for data collection and a central portal to collate the details and manage it. The Census data is significant for delimitation because the process of readjusting the seats of Lok Sabha and state Assemblies and redrawing their territorial boundaries is expected to be launched once the data is available. There have been concerns among southern states regarding delimitation changing the proportion of seats allocated to various states in Lok Sabha to conform to the constitutional principle of 'one person, one vote, one value', which will lead to a jump in seats for the northern states where populations have grown briskly since 1971 and reduce the relative weight of southern states where the population rate has slowed down in the same period. Senior ministers have said that the concerns expressed by the southern states will be addressed, and that no room for complaints will be left. In February this year, Union Home Minister Amit Shah had said that the southern states would not lose even a single seat on a pro-rata basis, making A Raja of the DMK ask whether pro-rata meant population-based or based on the present number of constituencies. Later, at the RSS's Akhil Bharatiya Pratinidhi Sabha meet at Bengaluru, RSS joint general secretary K Mukunda said the share of seats of the southern states would be maintained as it is in case the number of Lok Sabha seats is increased via delimitation. However, NDA ally Upendra Kushwaha has already made 'justice for Bihar', through allocation of seats as per present population share, as a poll plank for the Bihar Assembly elections, taking the line multiple times in Bihar and Delhi. For delimitation to happen after the next Census, Parliament will have to pass a Delimitation Act, which will constitute a Delimitation Commission for the exercise that is likely to lead to an increase in Lok Sabha seats. Article 82 of the Constitution mandates readjustment of seats after every Census. However, the present Lok Sabha reflects the population figures of the 1971 Census because the delimitation of seats was frozen in 1976 for 25 years, and in 2001 for another 25 years, through Constitutional amendments, with the Vajpayee government stating in 2002 that this would provide an incentive for family planning. If another Constitutional amendment is not passed by Parliament by 2026, the freeze on delimitation will automatically be over. Under Article 81(2) (a) of the Constitution, 'there shall be allotted to each State a number of seats in the House of the People in such manner that the ratio between that number and the population of the state is, so far as practicable, the same for all States'. The only exception to this rule are small states whose population do not exceed six million.


Indian Express
an hour ago
- Indian Express
Jawed Ashraf writes: India and Europe can anchor a multipolar world
External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar's second visit to Europe within a month reflects a deepening India-Europe engagement even as the two sides deal with volatile US policies, era-shaping geopolitical shifts, terrorism from Pakistan and escalating conflict in Europe. Highlights include Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to France to co-chair the AI Action Summit and the visit by the re-elected European Commission President, Ursula Von der Leyen, and the college of commissioners to India in February. The MEA-supported Raisina Dialogue also makes a debut this week in the strategic port city of Marseille. Europe faces extraordinary challenges. War has returned. Economic difficulties, concerns over security and immigration, and rising issues of identity and culture are reshaping politics. The European Union's (EU's) many internal stresses and faultlines have made managing the European project more complex, though Brexit has dissuaded even the most nationalist governments from abandoning the EU. The external challenges are greater. Europe must contend with US President Donald Trump's disdain for NATO and near dismantling of long-adrift transatlantic relations, the rupture in relations with Russia, and the geopolitical and economic strain in ties with China. Multilateralism, Europe's refuge for order and its instrument of international influence, is crumbling. Europe risks strategic irrelevance and a rising gap with the US and China in innovation and competitiveness. The world's most open major economy faces an upturned global trade regime. And, as it happens in continental landmasses, to Europe's east, the lines that define the political and cultural geography of what constitutes Europe are perennially contested. But the EU has shown remarkable cohesion and resilience in its response to Covid, the Ukraine war and Trump's onslaught. Its project of horizontal and vertical integration continues. Relations with the UK are improving. Europe is waking up to the need for independence in foreign and security policy, the pursuit of industrial and digital sovereignty, a resilient internal supply chain and a stronger defence industrial base. It has the intellectual, industrial and investment capacity for that. But Europe cannot do it by itself. It needs new patterns of alignment. Equally, global uncertainty has reinforced India's traditional proclivity for a diversified portfolio of partnerships. Engagement with Europe involves two levels. With the EU in its areas of exclusive and shared competences, there is a long tradition of summits, and now, expansion of strategic dialogues, including in trade, technology, security and foreign policy. With older and major member states, ties are strengthening and acquiring new dimensions. The Nordic region is the new frontier and attention has returned to the dynamic east. The EU is a leading and growing trade and investment partner for India. According to a Institut Montaigne study on the EU's ties in the Indo-Pacific, Eurostat data shows that between 2015 and 2022, EU27 FDI stock registered the strongest growth in India at 96 per cent, exceeding Taiwan's 93 per cent and China's 52 per cent. From France alone, the FDI stock grew a whopping 373 per cent. In trade, too, between 2015 and 2023, EU27 exports to India grew 47 per cent, behind 83 per cent to Taiwan and 54 per cent to China. EU imports from India grew by over 100 per cent, second behind Taiwan from the Indo-Pacific. Surveys indicate a trend toward diversification away from China, though less than that of US companies. The EU must conclude the EU-India trade and investment agreements quickly, starting with an early harvest, and also waive the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism for India in view of India's progress in green energy. These will accelerate IMEC, the great new strategic initiative that reprises an old India-Europe corridor, and will survive the current instability in the Middle East. It aims to be not just a trade route but a new global corridor of investment, innovation, enterprise and energy. India must invest more in Europe. India and Europe converge on the public character and purpose of digital technology and in preventing a global duopoly. As Modi said at the AI Action Summit, we can collaborate in innovation, application, regulation, governance, standards and serving public good globally. That also applies to digital public infrastructure. India can benefit from Europe's leadership in deeptech, digital manufacturing, enterprise technologies and key areas of the semiconductor chain. Indeed, science, technology and innovation should drive our partnership — to lead industries of the future and address global priorities, including diverse clean energy sources, climate resilience, health and food security, biodiversity and the sustainability of Earth and its oceans. This also requires a comprehensive mobility programme of higher ambition for students, scholars and scientists. Europe is a significant source of armaments for India. Europe, seeking to rearm itself, and India pursuing atmanirbharta, must prioritise collaboration and full transfer of technology in joint design, development and manufacturing of defence equipment. We have robust cooperation in the areas of maritime, underwater, space and cyber security, as also in counter-terrorism with many European partners. Beyond technical and intelligence cooperation, Europe, hit by Islamist terrorism, and sometimes with the provenance of Pakistan, needs to do more to penalise Pakistan for terrorism. Great powers believe they can bend the world to their will but often cause chaos. Middle powers need to leverage partnerships and institutions to resist and maximise their roles. India and the EU have a broader global agenda that rises beyond differences on Ukraine or Pakistan. India and a united, cohesive Europe, with an independent voice and capabilities, can build a stable multipolar world, anchored in international law, underpinned by the discipline of multilateralism and free from territorial ambitions. India and Europe approach challenges through coalitions, not unilateral initiatives or the use of asymmetric bilateral power. That calls for collaboration, not the EU's prescriptive approach on its norms. For the Global South, partnerships can protect our interests against mounting competition and also mitigate global fragmentation. In the Indo-Pacific region, while France is a key security partner for India, working with others and the EU, India can help countries avoid coercion by one hegemon or a forced choice between two major powers. Attention and time, imagination and ambition, and sensitivity to each other's concerns transform relationships. Europe and India need more of that despite other immediate preoccupations in Brussels, Delhi and European capitals. We must involve all stakeholders and also reshape media stereotypes and public perceptions. The author is a retired Indian ambassador


India Today
2 hours ago
- India Today
PM Modi 3.0: Can the government deliver on jobs and private investment?
As the Prime Minister Narendra Modi-led government has completed 11 years in power, a key question looms over its economic legacy - has the Indian economy truly performed well under its watch? While supporters point to improved macroeconomic stability, critics often highlight the lack of progress in job creation and private investment. An analysis of key economic data provides a mixed but telling picture of the country's journey so far and the road of the most prominent indicators used to evaluate a government's economic record are GDP growth and inflation. During the UPA era (2004–2014), GDP growth averaged 6.8 percent. Under the Modi government, which took office in 2014, the average stands slightly lower at 6.2 percent. However, if the outlier years of the COVID-19 slump in 2020–21 and the subsequent rebound in 2021–22 are excluded, the adjusted average under Modi rises to 7.1 another major talking point - especially under the UPA government - has been a mixed story. During the UPA years, inflation averaged 5 percent. Under Modi, the number has been higher at 8.1 percent, although this increase is partly attributable to global volatility and changes in inflation benchmarks. Despite this, the Modi administration has received praise for maintaining relative stability in food prices, thanks to improved supply chains and quicker policy One factor that played a quiet but crucial role in controlling inflation has been the global crude oil price. When the Modi government came to power in June 2014, the Indian crude oil basket was priced at USD 107 per barrel. By June 2025, the price had dropped to US 67.38 per barrel. Despite the depreciation of the rupee over the years, the rupee cost per barrel is now 11 percent lower than it was 11 years ago. This favourable trend has significantly helped in managing inflation to leading economists, several macroeconomic indicators suggest that India's economic fundamentals remain strong. Inflation is within the Reserve Bank of India's comfort zone. Corporate and banking sector balance sheets are healthier compared to a decade ago. Fiscal data is transparent, the current account deficit is within manageable limits, and public debt remains low. India is expected to grow at 6.5 percent in FY26, although global uncertainty continues to pose two persistent concerns threaten to overshadow these achievements - sluggish private sector investment and a lack of formal job creation. These issues gained significant traction in recent state elections and were a major talking point during the 2024 Lok Sabha polls. With rising automation, AI, and tech adoption, employment opportunities - particularly in the formal sector - are becoming scarcer. The government is increasingly looking to the private sector to generate jobs, but private players have indicated they need more policy of the bottleneck lies in unfinished reforms. Two major reform areas - land acquisition and labor codes - remain mired in political resistance. The Modi government's initial attempt at land reform in 2014 was rolled back after widespread protests. Although labor codes have been passed by Parliament, their implementation remains stalled as several states have delayed India moves to sign more free trade agreements, these structural reforms become more pressing to ensure competitiveness and sustained economic roadblocks don't end there. Plans for privatization and asset monetisation - once touted as critical to funding infrastructure and reducing the fiscal burden - have been put on hold. With coalition politics making a comeback in Modi's third term, such strategic initiatives may now require more political negotiation. However, with a fresh mandate and regained political capital, the government may accelerate action in the coming challenges continue to emerge. The World Bank recently revised India's GDP forecast for FY25 down to 6.3 percent from an earlier estimate of 6.7 percent, attributing the cut to weaker global demand and a slowdown in investment growth. Nevertheless, India is still expected to be the fastest-growing major economy in the world. The World Bank also highlighted positive trends such as contained inflation, improving fiscal indicators, and a slow but steady decline in public debt. It recommended lowering tariffs and strengthening fiscal discipline to stimulate global economic Modi 3.0 begins, the economic path forward is lined with both opportunities and challenges. While India's macroeconomic foundation appears resilient, the missing piece - jobs and private investment - will be the key to sustaining long-term growth and addressing rising voter Watch