Operation Sindoor was very successful: British author David Vance
"It's very clear to me that Operation Sindoor was very successful. I think it could have been even more successful had we not had the ceasefire, and I blame Donald Trump for that...but nonetheless, a lot of damage was done to the terrorist infrastructure of Pakistan, and that's the plus from it," David Vance said.
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STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Tensions peaked during the Doklam standoff of 2017, but the impasse ended diplomatically and paved the way for a reset. The Xiamen BRICS Summit later that year and the Wuhan 'informal summit' in 2018 re-established a personal rapport. At Wuhan, Modi and Xi directed their militaries to improve communication and avoid escalation — a step that temporarily stabilised the border. The 2019 Chennai informal summit saw the two leaders engage in a civilisational dialogue at Mahabalipuram, highlighting cultural connectivity. But Galwan in 2020 brought a major rupture, leading to a long freeze in high-level political contact. Only in October 2024 did the two leaders meet again in Kazan, Russia, on the margins of the BRICS Summit. That meeting produced agreement on disengagement at remaining flashpoints and a commitment to resume SR-level boundary talks. Modi's upcoming Tianjin visit thus builds on that fragile renewal. 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STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The Dragon-Elephant Tango The idea of a 'Dragon-Elephant tango' captures the potential of cooperative relations between the two Asian giants. Stable ties could allow both countries to redirect resources from military build-ups toward development. Economically, complementarities are obvious: China dominates rare-earth production, APIs, and solar technology, while India offers a vast consumer market and a growing technology and pharmaceutical base. Collaboration could sustain growth in both economies. On the global stage, India and China together wield considerable weight in forums like BRICS, SCO, G20, and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank. Coordinated positions could shape reforms in global trade and financial governance, reducing Western dominance. For such a tango to succeed, both sides must respect each other's strategic sensitivities: India's concerns over CPEC and China's anxieties about the Quad. Challenges Ahead Despite the thaw, challenges remain formidable. The boundary dispute is unresolved, with the LAC often contested. The Doklam and Galwan episodes reveal how quickly local incidents can escalate. The durability of CBMs is uncertain without a comprehensive settlement. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD hina's 'all-weather' partnership with Pakistan complicates India's security calculus, especially with CPEC's passage through POK. India, meanwhile, is strengthening its partnerships through the Quad and Act East policy, signalling caution towards Chinese assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific. Water security is another concern, with China constructing dams on the upper reaches of the Brahmaputra. Though India receives most of the river's flow within its territory, Beijing's upstream projects are viewed as potential leverage. Economically, India must address its trade deficit and reduce over-dependence on Chinese imports. 'Vocal for Local' and diversification through forums such as BIMSTEC and deeper ties with ASEAN, Japan, Australia, and Europe are steps in this direction. Smaller South Asian neighbours, wary of Chinese debt-driven projects, are also open to closer ties with India. The broader rivalry is unlikely to disappear. But managing it effectively — through caution, diversification, and calibrated engagement — is essential. Way Forward India and China need to maintain open channels of communication through bilateral or regional cooperation like in Brics, SCO, etc. They need to rebuild the relations based on a threefold formula of mutual respect, mutual sensitivity and mutual interest. India must balance strategic caution with engagement, maintaining sovereignty while avoiding unnecessary escalation. In his book, The India Way: Strategies for an Uncertain World, Jaishankar argues that managing China is about realism, agility, and strategic clarity. In this context, it would be prudent for India to pursue a steady course of balancing engagement with deterrence, leveraging global partnerships, and asserting its interests without becoming a proxy in larger power rivalries. The writer is former Director General, Centre for Air Power Studies. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.
