
Deadly crime in Denver near a record low
Why it matters: The city's sharp descent mirrors a nationwide shift away from COVID-era crime spikes, with major cities like Los Angeles and New York reporting some of the steepest homicide declines on record — challenging the narrative that urban crime is spiraling.
By the numbers: As of July 13, Denver's homicide rate was 2.7 per 100,000 people — the city's second-lowest midyear figure since 2004, per Denver Police Department data analyzed by Axios.
State of play: Denver police Chief Ron Thomas tells Axios that a multi-pronged strategy is working:
👮♀️ Better staffing: DPD has largely overcome an officer shortage — now at 95% capacity (with about 1,550 officers) — enabling quicker response times and increased visibility.
🧠 Smart enforcement: Patrols in crime hotspots like Lower Downtown and East Colfax are paired with infrastructure fixes, like better lighting, to deter violence.
✅ High clearance rate: With an 83% solve rate for homicides, better evidence-gathering tools and stronger community trust — which has led to more tips and information-sharing — are getting results.
⛑️ Street medicine: Police have improved on-scene trauma care, like tourniquets and chest seals, to save lives before paramedics arrive.
🤝 Community partnerships: Organizations like Struggle of Love are stepping in before violence escalates — mediating conflicts and keeping at-risk youth engaged.
🗣️ Advocacy: Groups like East Students Demand Action have helped push for tougher gun laws at the state level.
Yes, but: Not all of Denver's trends are encouraging. Youth violence remains stubbornly high, Thomas notes, and crime persists in nightlife corridors.
Between the lines: One of the hardest things to change is public perception. Despite the drop in violent crime, Thomas says fear remains high.
"We are working with the mayor's office to get to the root of those things that impact people's perceptions," Thomas says. That includes reducing open drug use, unsheltered homelessness and retail theft.
What they're saying: "These numbers represent significant accomplishments by our police department, sheriff's office, and outreach teams in protecting the innocent and making Denver what we know it can be: the safest city in the country," Mayor Mike Johnston told Axios Denver in a statement.

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Fast Company
20 minutes ago
- Fast Company
3 things the pronatalist movement gets wrong about birth rates
Pronatalism—the belief that low birth rates are a problem that must be reversed— is having a moment in the U.S. As birth rates decline in the U.S. and throughout the world, voices from Silicon Valley to the White House are raising concerns about what they say could be the calamitous effects of steep population decline on the economy. The Trump administration has said it is seeking ideas on how to encourage Americans to have more children as the U.S. experiences its lowest total fertility rate in history, down about 25% since 2007. As demographers who study fertility, family behaviors, and childbearing intentions, we can say with certainty that population decline is not imminent, inevitable or necessarily catastrophic. The population collapse narrative hinges on three key misunderstandings. First, it misrepresents what standard fertility measures tell us about childbearing and makes unrealistic assumptions that fertility rates will follow predictable patterns far into the future. Second, it overstates the impact of low birth rates on future population growth and size. Third, it ignores the role of economic policies and labor market shifts in assessing the impacts of low birth rates. Fertility fluctuations Demographers generally gauge births in a population with a measure called the total fertility rate. The total fertility rate for a given year is an estimate of the average number of children that women would have in their lifetime if they experienced current birth rates throughout their childbearing years. Fertility rates are not fixed—in fact, they have changed considerably over the past century. In the U.S., the total fertility rate rose from about 2 births per woman in the 1930s to a high of 3.7 births per woman around 1960. The rate then dipped below 2 births per woman in the late 1970s and 1980s before returning to 2 births in the 1990s and early 2000s. Since the Great Recession that lasted from late 2007 until mid-2009, the U.S. total fertility rate has declined almost every year, with the exception of very small post-COVID-19 pandemic increases in 2021 and 2022. In 2024, it hit a record low, falling to 1.6. This drop is primarily driven by declines in births to people in their teens and early 20s —births that are often unintended. But while the total fertility rate offers a snapshot of the fertility landscape, it is not a perfect indicator of how many children a woman will eventually have if fertility patterns are in flux—for example, if people are delaying having children. Picture a 20-year-old woman today, in 2025. The total fertility rate assumes she will have the same birth rate as today's 40-year-olds when she reaches 40. That's not likely to be the case, because birth rates 20 years from now for 40-year-olds will almost certainly be higher than they are today, as more births occur at older ages and more people are able to overcome infertility through medically assisted reproduction. A more nuanced picture of childbearing These problems with the total fertility rate are why demographers also measure how many total births women have had by the end of their reproductive years. In contrast to the total fertility rate, the average number of children ever born to women ages 40 to 44 has remained fairly stable over time, hovering around two. Americans continue to express favorable views toward childbearing. Ideal family size remains at two or more children, and 9 in 10 adults either have, or would like to have, children. However, many Americans are unable to reach their childbearing goals. This seems to be related to the high cost of raising children and growing uncertainty about the future. In other words, it doesn't seem to be the case that birth rates are low because people are uninterested in having children; rather, it's because they don't feel it's feasible for them to become parents or to have as many children as they would like. The challenge of predicting future population size Standard demographic projections do not support the idea that population size is set to shrink dramatically. One billion people lived on Earth 250 years ago. Today there are over 8 billion, and by 2100 the United Nations predicts there will be over 10 billion. That's 2 billion more, not fewer, people in the foreseeable future. Admittedly, that projection is plus or minus 4 billion. But this range highlights another key point: Population projections get more uncertain the further into the future they extend. Predicting the population level five years from now is far more reliable than 50 years from now—and beyond 100 years, forget about it. Most population scientists avoid making such long-term projections, for the simple reason that they are usually wrong. That's because fertility and mortality rates change over time in unpredictable ways. The U.S. population size is also not declining. Currently, despite fertility below the replacement level of 2.1 children per woman, there are still more births than deaths. The U.S. population is expected to grow by 22.6 million by 2050 and by 27.5 million by 2100, with immigration playing an important role. Will low fertility cause an economic crisis? A common rationale for concern about low fertility is that it leads to a host of economic and labor market problems. Specifically, pronatalists argue that there will be too few workers to sustain the economy and too many older people for those workers to support. However, that is not necessarily true—and even if it were, increasing birth rates wouldn't fix the problem. As fertility rates fall, the age structure of the population shifts. But a higher proportion of older adults does not necessarily mean the proportion of workers to nonworkers falls. For one thing, the proportion of children under age 18 in the population also declines, so the number of working-age adults—usually defined as ages 18 to 64—often changes relatively little. And as older adults stay healthier and more active, a growing number of them are contributing to the economy. Labor force participation among Americans ages 65 to 74 increased from 21.4% in 2003 to 26.9% in 2023 — and is expected to increase to 30.4% by 2033. Modest changes in the average age of retirement or in how Social Security is funded would further reduce strains on support programs for older adults. What's more, pronatalists' core argument that a higher birth rate would increase the size of the labor force overlooks some short-term consequences. More babies means more dependents, at least until those children become old enough to enter the labor force. Children not only require expensive services such as education, but also reduce labor force participation, particularly for women. As fertility rates have fallen, women's labor force participation rates have risen dramatically —from 34% in 1950 to 58% in 2024. Pronatalist policies that discourage women's employment are at odds with concerns about a diminishing number of workers. Research shows that economic policies and labor market conditions, not demographic age structures, play the most important role in determining economic growth in advanced economies. And with rapidly changing technologies like automation and artificial intelligence, it is unclear what demand there will be for workers in the future. Moreover, immigration is a powerful—and immediate—tool for addressing labor market needs and concerns over the proportion of workers. Overall, there's no evidence for Elon Musk's assertion that 'humanity is dying.' While the changes in population structure that accompany low birth rates are real, in our view the impact of these changes has been dramatically overstated. Strong investments in education and sensible economic policies can help countries successfully adapt to a new demographic reality.


The Hill
20 minutes ago
- The Hill
‘Tariff rebates' proposed: How would they work?
(NEXSTAR) — If you've been waiting and hoping for another stimulus check since receiving your last COVID relief payment in 2021, you may be in luck. Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.) has introduced legislation that would send out 'tariff rebates' meant to 'allow hard-working Americans to benefit from the wealth that Trump's tariffs are returning to this country.' As The Hill reports, the rebates would be modeled after the payments sent out after Congress authorized the 2020 CARES Act. In that case, adults received direct payments of $1,200 and $500 for their dependent children. Hawley introduces bill to provide $600 tariff rebates to adults and children Unlike those payments, these rebates would serve to offset the higher prices consumers have faced amid tariffs. According to Hawley, the U.S. has recorded $30 billion in tariff revenue as of June. He cited additional projections that say the revenue could exceed $150 billion this year alone. Under Hawley's bill, however, the individual payments would be much smaller. How much would the tariff rebates be? Each adult would receive 'at least $600,' as would each dependent child. The total rebate for a DINK (dual income, no kids) household, for example, would be at least $1,200, while a family of four could receive $2,400. Payments could increase 'if tariff revenue exceeds current projections for 2025,' according to a press release from Hawley's office describing the proposed legislation. Who will — and won't — have a three-payday August Payments would also decrease based on household income. The bill's text says rebates would be reduced based on a taxpayer's filing status and their adjusted gross income. That income threshold is $150,000 for those filing a joint return; $112,500 for those filing as a head of household; and $75,000 for a single taxpayer. Who would be eligible for a payment? Hawley's bill does not explicitly outline who would be eligible, but rather who is ineligible. That includes: 'any nonresident alien individual'; those who can be claimed on another taxpayer's taxes; and estates or trusts. As we saw with the COVID stimulus checks, your most recent taxes would likely be used to determine your eligibility and the size of your payment. When could tariff rebates be sent out? It's too early to say, as Hawley's bill would still need to make it through Congress. President Donald Trump has expressed support for the idea, telling reporters last week that the U.S. has 'so much money coming in' because of the tariffs that 'we're thinking about a little rebate.' 'A little rebate for people of a certain income level might be very nice,' he said, while noting that 'the big thing we want to do is pay down the debt.' As of Tuesday, the federal deficit sits at roughly $36.7 trillion. If you would like to help pay it down, you can now use Venmo to contribute to the 'Gifts to Reduce the Public Debt' program.


New York Times
22 minutes ago
- New York Times
Slain Police Officer Was Working in Uniform While Off Duty
The New York Police Department officer who was killed in a shooting in a Midtown Manhattan skyscraper on Monday was working as part of the Paid Detail Unit, which was created in 1998 to allow uniformed officers to work as security guards while off duty. Under the program, companies can hire officers for shifts in office building lobbies, stores, sports complexes, banks and other venues that are open to the public, keeping them safer and increasing police visibility. It is often used by large corporations, said Kathryn S. Wylde, leader of the Partnership for New York City, a business group. 'It's considered an expensive, but very useful, upgrade of security,' Ms. Wylde said, adding that its use grew after the Sept. 11 attacks and, later, during the Covid-19 pandemic. 'Small businesses want to use it and can't afford it.' When the system started, inspired by similar programs in other cities, it let New York officers work in uniform off the clock for the first time, former officers said. For many, it was their first time holding a second job. 'You put your name on a list, and when a job comes up, they call you,' said John McAuliffe, who retired from the force in 2020 and once worked security at a Yankees game under the program. The Police Department vets the businesses, which provide direct payments to the officers. The department takes out a 10 percent administrative fee. Officers working the shifts are not able to issue summonses, but are expected to follow department rules, according to the Police Department. The department did not immediately respond to a request to comment on the program. As of 2016, officers could make $41 an hour, sergeants $51 and lieutenants $57. 'Up until yesterday, it was like easy money,' Mr. McAuliffe said. Randolph Blenman, who retired from the force in 2004, recalled working shifts at Toys 'R' Us and at the 2000 World Series between the Yankees and Mets. Many officers embraced the opportunity to make good money on lower-stress shifts, he said. 'You weren't standing on the corner of 125th Street and Lex,' he said, referring to a busy and sometimes chaotic corner in East Harlem. 'They would have people at Rockefeller Center during the holidays.' Richard M. Aborn, the president of the nonprofit Citizens Crime Commission, said the system has offered benefits to the city and to officers. 'It's a smart way of increasing police presence in the city,' he said. 'And it gives the cops a chance to earn extra money.' Maria Cramer contributed reporting.