'Display Licenses': Supreme Court Directs Hotels Along Kanwar Yatra Route
The Supreme Court on Tuesday directed all hotel owners along the Kanwar Yatra route in Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand to display their licences and registration certificates in accordance with statutory requirements.
A bench of Justices M M Sundresh and N Kotiswar Singh said it was not going into the other issues of displaying the name of the hotel or dhaba owner and the QR code as Tuesday is the last day of the Kanwar Yatra.
"We are told that today is the last day of the yatra. In any case it is likely to come to an end in the near future. Therefore, at this stage we would only pass an order that all the respective hotel owners shall comply with the mandate of displaying the licence and the registration certificate as per the statutory requirements," the bench said.
The top court was hearing a plea filed by academician Apoorvanand Jha and others.
Last year, the Supreme Court stayed similar directives issued by Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand and Madhya Pradesh governments, asking eateries along the Kanwar Yatra route to display the names of their owners, staff and other details.
Referring to a press release issued by the Uttar Pradesh government on June 25, Jha, said, "The new measures mandate the display of QR codes on all eateries along the kanwar route which reveal the names and identities of the owners, thereby achieving the same discriminatory profiling that was previously stayed by this court." The petition said the state government's directive asking stall owners to reveal religious and caste identities under "lawful license requirements" breaches the right to privacy of the shop, dhaba and restaurant owners.
A large number of devotees travel from various places with 'kanwars' carrying holy water from the Ganga to perform 'jalabhishek' of Shivling during the Hindu calendar month of 'Shravan'.
Many believers shun the consumption of meat during the month. Many do not even consume meals containing onion and garlic.
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Time of India
22 minutes ago
- Time of India
Why Thailand and Cambodia are fighting over an 11th-century Hindu temple
Preah Vihear: Sacred Temple or Political Faultline? Live Events An Old Dispute with Colonial Roots Politics and Nationalism Make Things Worse A Fragile Border and Flammable Provocations Can Talks Stop the Fighting? (You can now subscribe to our (You can now subscribe to our Economic Times WhatsApp channel Tensions between Thailand and Cambodia have once again turned violent, with fighter jets, landmines, and diplomatic expulsions marking the worst escalation in years. At the centre of the dispute is the 11th-century Preah Vihear Hindu temple, located near their shared border clashes on Thursday led to at least nine civilian deaths and over a dozen injuries. Explosions hit a petrol station in Thailand's Si Sa Ket province, killing several Thai civilians. In response, Thai jets launched airstrikes on Cambodian military positions near the disputed temple. Cambodia accused Thailand of bombing nearby roads. Skirmishes were reported in six different areas along the violence follows weeks of growing tension. In May, a Cambodian soldier was killed, and in July, two Thai soldiers were badly injured in landmine blasts. Diplomatic relations quickly worsened, both countries expelled each other's ambassadors and recalled their envoys, blaming one another for aggression and border Preah Vihear temple , a UNESCO World Heritage Site , sits atop the Dangrek mountain range. It's an impressive piece of Khmer architecture, but also a source of national pride and 1962, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) ruled that the temple belonged to Cambodia, based on a 1907 French-drawn map. Thailand disagreed with the decision, arguing the map was not properly accepted. Still, the court decided Thailand had accepted the border and ordered it to withdraw troops and return any items taken from the Thailand still claims that a 4.6 sq km area surrounding the temple is unresolved. In 2008, tensions rose again when Cambodia registered the temple as a World Heritage Site. Protests in Thailand followed, leading to deadly clashes in 2011, which left 15 people dead. In 2013, the ICJ confirmed the surrounding land also belongs to Cambodia, a decision many in Thailand still dispute goes back to the days of the Khmer Empire, which ruled much of present-day Thailand, Vietnam, and Malaysia between the 14th and 15th centuries. As the Khmer Empire declined, Thai and Vietnamese kingdoms took control of Khmer the late 1800s, Cambodia became a French colony. France forced Thailand (then called Siam) to give up territories, including the provinces of Battambang and Siem Reap, through a series of treaties. The 1907 map, drawn by the French, became the foundation of the current border, and the ongoing map was based on a watershed line, which was not clearly marked. While Cambodia believes the ICJ ruling is final, Thailand argues parts of the border are still unclear. A Joint Border Commission was created in 2000, but little progress has been made politics have only made the situation more dangerous. Thai Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra was suspended from office after a leaked phone call with Cambodia's former Prime Minister Hun Sen, in which she referred to the Thai army as 'the opposite side.' This caused outrage in Thailand, with lawmakers accusing her of betraying national Cambodia, Prime Minister Hun Manet, son of Hun Sen, responded to the recent clashes by saying Cambodia wants peace but will defend itself against 'armed aggression.'Both countries have now moved troops to the border and issued strong warnings. Thailand has said it will take 'intensified self-defence measures' if attacks continue. Cambodia claims it only acted in response to Thai drones and military small incidents have sparked big reactions. In February, Cambodian civilians, escorted by soldiers, sang their national anthem at another disputed temple, Ta Moan Thom. Thai troops quickly intervened. Thai politicians have also raised concerns about joint energy projects, fearing they could lead to loss of territory, including the island of Koh has since banned Thai fruit, stopped Thai media broadcasts, and evacuated embassy everything, both sides have agreed to talk. After a clash on 28 May, Thailand and Cambodia said they would meet through the Joint Border Commission. But with troops still in position and tensions running high, the situation remains Preah Vihear temple represents more than just ancient history. It's a symbol of colonial legacy, national pride, and unresolved border disputes , and today, it sits at the heart of a dangerous and complex from TOI
News18
25 minutes ago
- News18
Balancing The Scales: BJP And The Politics Of OBC Representation
Last Updated: The OBC issue is no longer a footnote. It is the future of Indian politics. And for the BJP, the time to choose is now In the smoke and dust of Indian politics, where identity is often currency, the question of OBCs (Other Backward Classes) has returned to centre stage. As the BJP charts its future, the party's relationship with the OBC voter base stands at a critical inflection point. No party can afford to ignore this bloc, and the BJP, with its grand ambitions, must now navigate a delicate tightrope—balancing upper-caste legacy, backward-caste empowerment, and a shifting social landscape. OBC equation is more than just numbers At nearly 45 per cent of India's population, the OBCs are not a vote bank. They are the battleground. Their aspirations are not one-dimensional—they range from economic security and social dignity to political power and symbolic recognition. For decades, these communities were underrepresented in power structures. But over time, parties from the Mandal-era champions like the Janata Dal to regional leaders like Nitish Kumar and Mulayam Singh Yadav emerged from within their ranks. The BJP entered the OBC game late but aggressively. In the 2014 and 2019 Lok Sabha elections, Narendra Modi—himself an OBC—successfully crafted a narrative that bypassed traditional caste loyalties. He offered something different: a pan-Hindu identity laced with ambition and nationalism. 'Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas" resonated, especially among non-dominant, non-Yadav OBCs in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, who felt excluded by earlier caste-based parties. The recent chorus for a nationwide caste census has thrown the BJP into a strategic bind. Mandal 2.0 is not about social justice alone—it is a demand for statistical truth, for a reordering of privilege. It pits the call for OBC-centric policies against a party structure that still draws much of its intellectual and organisational muscle from upper-caste networks. While regional allies and rivals have openly backed the caste census, the BJP has been hesitant. There's a reason. A full revelation of caste numbers could undermine the Hindu unity narrative. It could also expose the disparity between representation and population share—especially if dominant castes are shown to wield disproportionate political and bureaucratic power. The BJP's resistance is not just ideological but also tactical. The party knows that embracing the caste census may demand a restructuring of power within its own house. That kind of churn does not come easy. Shift must be silent Internally, the BJP has made overtures to the OBCs by creating OBC Morchas, expanding OBC quotas in educational and political institutions, and ensuring greater OBC representation in its ticket distribution. Leaders like Keshav Prasad Maurya, Sanjay Nishad, and Bhupendra Patel are meant to signal inclusivity. Yet, these are not organic mass leaders in the mould of Lalu Prasad Yadav or even Nitish Kumar. They are appointees, not products of long grassroots movements. Their influence often stops at the stage, not the street. Moreover, the party's increasing reliance on centralisation—with power flowing from the top down—has curbed the rise of assertive OBC voices from within. The BJP's core structure remains tightly controlled, and while it uses the language of social justice, its machinery often runs on a different fuel: loyalty, hierarchy, and central planning. A moment of reckoning The 2024 general elections revealed cracks in the OBC wall that the BJP had built. In states like Uttar Pradesh, the SP-Congress alliance made visible gains by framing the election as a battle between the oppressor and the marginalised. The optics were not just about policy but about voice—and its volume. About who speaks for the backward classes, and who speaks over them. Even within the NDA, tensions are rising. Allies like Nitish Kumar and other regional leaders demand more space and more say. They understand what the BJP does too: that OBC assertion is no longer just about welfare—it is about ownership of the national narrative. What might come next, one might ask? For the BJP, the road ahead involves hard choices. It can no longer afford to run on symbolism alone. The Modi-era social coalition—a mix of backward classes, aspirational youth, and nationalist pride—is ageing. The demand now is for deeper representation, structural fairness, and acknowledgement of historical imbalances. If the BJP resists these currents, it risks losing the very communities it once brought under its umbrella. If it embraces them, it will have to reimagine its ideological scaffolding—less about unity, and more about equity. The OBC issue is no longer a footnote. It is the future of Indian politics. And for the BJP, the time to choose is now. The author is a writer, social worker and a corporate learning and development expert. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views. view comments First Published: Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
&w=3840&q=100)
Business Standard
28 minutes ago
- Business Standard
FM Sitharaman flays tax officials, says OGE issuance delays 'unpardonable'
Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman, on the 166th Income Tax Day on Thursday, sharply criticised delays in the issuance of Orders Giving Effect (OGEs), calling them 'unpardonable,' and urged the income tax department to act decisively on five priority areas identified during a high-level review in June 2025. OGE refers to the implementation of appellate or court decisions by tax officers. It ensures that the outcomes—such as refunds, reassessments, or adjustments—are formally carried out based on the ruling. 'After all the decisions are taken, the delay in OGE issuance is just not explainable. But we have a category—would you believe it? You have a category of OGE issuance delay. Why pray? The decisions are all done. You just have to issue the OGE. Unpardonable,' she said, addressing senior officials. Reinforcing the need for accountability, she said that good policies alone are not enough. What matters, actually, is timely execution. Referring to the progress made in redrafting the Income Tax Act, she added, 'For a group or the CBDT, which is able to reduce five lakh words of the 1961 Act within a matter of three months to give me a draft bill which is half the size of that earlier 1961 Act… you're able to do that, but you can't issue OGEs? What's going on?' Recalling the key action points from the June 2025 review, Sitharaman said: 'I would recall five of them (including the issue of OGE), which I would think are important for all of us to re-look at—not because things have changed from then to now, June 2025 to now, but to refresh ourselves that these were things which all of us spoke about together.' The first, she said, is to 'accelerate disposal of disputed tax demands pending before the faceless appellate authorities and ensure timely resolution of litigation backlog.' Second, departments must 'identify and withdraw departmental appeals falling below the revised monetary threshold announced during the Union Budget 2024–2025 within the next three months.' The Union Budget 2024–25 raised the monetary thresholds for filing departmental appeals in tax-related cases, setting the new limits at ₹60 lakh for tribunals, ₹2 crore for High Courts, and ₹5 crore for the Supreme Court. These enhanced limits apply to disputes under Direct Taxes, as well as legacy cases in Excise and Service Tax. The third priority is to 'ensure timely processing of tax refunds and proactive and timely resolution of taxpayer grievances,' said the Minister. Fourth, departments must 'analyse the grievances and devise strategies not only to resolve the existing pendency but also to address the challenges that are causing the grievances in the first place.' And fifth, Sitharaman said, is to 'undertake region-wise performance reviews to help identify factors hindering performance and streamline operations through indicators such as grievance disposal and orders giving effect issuance.' Calling the Income Tax Day 'the moment when we reaffirm the unsaid social contract between the state and the taxpayer,' Sitharaman said this contract must not be allowed to 'fray at the edges' or 'become loose, become diluted.' She urged officials to raise the benchmark and ensure that the reform process is matched by efficient delivery on the ground. In addition, the Finance Minister lauded the drafting of the new Income Tax Bill as the first-ever comprehensive review of the Income Tax Act since 1961. She said that several members of the select committee of the Lok Sabha had informally appreciated the drafting of the IT Bill 2025. She expressed hope that 'Parliament actually looks at the good work done… we will welcome the suggestions by honourable members and… expect with enough engagement, discussion, and debate in the House… this bill… passes through Parliament's scrutiny.'
