
War against terrorism: Time to shoulder responsibility
Once again, the nation is waiting for the same commitment, resilience, and ownership displayed a decade ago at the time of the horrific Army Public School (APS) Peshawar attack (Dec 2014) to root out the menace of terrorism once and for all.
The resurgence of BLA and TTP has placed Pakistan's stability, security, and territorial integrity under severe strain. Incidents like the Jaffar Express hijacking serve as stark reminders that traditional responses to these challenges would no longer serve the purpose.
A decade ago, a comprehensive 20-point National Action Plan framework aimed at addressing both the operational and ideological roots of militancy was designed to eliminate extremism and terrorism from the country. The implementation of NAP resulted in the dismantling of terrorist networks through successful military operations, including Zarb-e-Azb and Radd-ul-Fasaad.
However, with the passage of time, the thrust to implement NAP in its entirety faded away. Although progress was visible in terms of kinetic actions, the political, social, and educational reforms outlined in the plan remained largely neglected. In 2021, changing dynamics and the spectrum of threats resulted in a revision of the National Action Plan. The revised plan laid more emphasis on kinetic and non-kinetic strategies with the objective of crafting a balanced and sustainable response to militancy.
In the kinetic domain, security forces delivered outstanding victories on the battlefield, neutralizing high-profile militant leaders and destroying terrorist sanctuaries. However, non-implementation of reconciliation efforts, justice reforms, governance improvements, and socioeconomic uplift—the non-kinetic aspects of NAP—severely dented the overall efforts in the fight against terrorism.
No one can deny the importance of the kinetic approach, but partial implementation of NAP raises critical questions. On paper, the framework promises a holistic solution. In practice, however, its partial application has failed to address the fundamental drivers of unrest in regions like Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Without addressing these issues, the state's writ would be eroded, especially in restive areas. These successes on the security front are temporary if they are not followed by meaningful political engagement and development initiatives.
The non-kinetic components of NAP are critical for long-term stability. Unfortunately, these have been sidelined by consecutive governments. Reconciliation efforts in Balochistan have yet to take off in earnest, and the merged districts of KP remain marginalized and underdeveloped. Without genuine political inclusion, social services, and economic opportunities, these regions will remain vulnerable to exploitation by insurgents and extremist ideologues. In Balochistan, despite its wealth in natural resources, many communities continue to live in awful conditions. Similarly, the merged areas of KP suffer from lingering underdevelopment and a lack of political representation.
Deprivation, marginalization, and the absence of genuine political freedom create fertile ground for recruitment into extremist causes. These conditions foster deep resentment, which militant groups are quick to exploit. Addressing these challenges requires more than military operations. There needs to be a serious, sustained reconciliation process and inclusive governance that empowers local communities. Unfortunately, the political will to take these bold steps has been lacking, leaving the root causes of militancy unaddressed. The path forward demands reconciliation and reintegration efforts aimed at militants willing to renounce violence and enter the political mainstream.
However, these efforts must be conducted within firm red lines: Pakistan's territorial integrity and constitutional supremacy cannot be compromised. Any dialogue or political settlement must reinforce national unity and uphold the rule of law. The time for half-measures is over. If Pakistan is to break the cycle of insurgency and violence, it must implement the National Action Plan in its entirety in both kinetic and non-kinetic domains. The burden cannot fall solely on the shoulders of security forces. Civilian leadership, along with provincial governments, must take ownership of governance reforms, socioeconomic initiatives, and political reconciliation. Without a comprehensive approach, Pakistan risks falling into a repetitive cycle of instability. It is not enough to overpower terrorism militarily; the state must address the structural injustices and grievances that give rise to militancy in the first place.
No doubt, the National Action Plan presents a wholesome approach, but its success hinges on implementation, not just in military terms but in political and social arenas as well. Pakistan's leadership must show the vision and willpower to fulfill the promises made under NAP. It's time for all political parties to shoulder responsibility, as only through a holistic, wide-ranging approach can the dream of a peaceful, stable, and terror-free society be accomplished.

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