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News18
24-05-2025
- Politics
- News18
Pashtun Activists Slam Pakistan Army For Killing Mother, Her Kids In Waziristan Drone Strike
Last Updated: Activists from Pashtun groups said areas where Pashtuns live are being used as a weapons testing laboratory by Pakistan Army. Fazal ur Rehman Afridi, an activist from the Pashtun rights group, Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM), said Pakistan Army conducted 32 drone strikes in North and South Waziristan and Tank districts over the past few years and sharply criticised them for the recent murder of four children and their mother. The children and the mother were killed in the drone strike conducted by the Pakistan Army in Hurmuz, North Waziristan. Afridi told news agency ANI that Pashtun inhabited areas are 'weapons testing laboratories" for the Pakistan Army. 'This is not the first instance where the Pakistani army has assaulted innocent Pashtun civilians, particularly women and children," Afridi said. He stated that the latest victims were children aged from five to eight. The activist has accused the Pakistan Army of targeting civilians under the pretext of counter-terror operations, calling the recent strike in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa part of a wider campaign to displace local populations and seize resource-rich land. advetisement In a stark shift, Pakistan has turned its drone arsenal inward, launching strikes in the Waziristan region—an area that once supported the state during major counterterrorism operations like Zarb-e-Azb and Radd-ul-Fasaad, intelligence sources told News18. Over the past few months, North and South Waziristan have seen a sharp escalation in drone attacks carried out by Pakistan's own military, raising alarm over civilian casualties and the absence of oversight. Rejecting the military's claim that the strike targeted militants, the activist alleged that over 55,000 Taliban leaders and their families had been relocated into Pashtun areas through a formal arrangement with the Pakistani state. 'Now they call them terrorists and use that to justify drone attacks. This is a proxy war. The Taliban are just pawns of the Pakistan Army," he said. Sources point out that the strikes are happening without any parliamentary debate or judicial review, highlighting how Pakistan's powerful military continues to operate with near-total autonomy. Defence Minister Khawaja Asif's recent dismissive remarks have further raised concerns. They added that communities once considered partners in counterterrorism are now being labelled as extremists or foreign agents. Afridi also linked the attacks to India's recent anti-terror operation. 'Immediately after India's Operation Sindoor, the Pakistan Army resumed bombing Pashtun civilians. Innocent children and the elderly were killed," the activist said. Expressing full support for India's operation targeting terror camps in Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir, he said many Pashtuns welcomed the move. 'We were relieved our regions were not affected. The terror hubs are in Punjab. We only wish India had continued longer to dismantle the rogue Pakistani military," he said. At least four children from the same family were killed and five others injured in the suspected drone strike in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Watch India Pakistan Breaking News on CNN-News18. Get breaking news, in-depth analysis, and expert perspectives on everything from geopolitics to diplomacy and global trends. Stay informed with the latest world news only on News18. Download the News18 App to stay updated! tags : Pakistan army Pashtun Tahafuz Movement First Published:
Express Tribune
19-03-2025
- Politics
- Express Tribune
NAPping amid the security crisis
Listen to article Terrorism has remained one of Pakistan's gravest challenges, shaping the country's security landscape for more than a decade. The period from 2007 to 2014 was marked by relentless militant violence, targeting civilians, security forces and institutions. Suicide bombings, mass-casualty attacks and insurgencies in different parts of the country tested the resilience of the state and its people. This dark chapter culminated in the horrific Army Public School (APS) massacre in Peshawar in December 2014, where over 140 innocent lives, mostly of children, were lost. That moment proved to be a turning point. The sheer brutality of the attack galvanised the entire nation, uniting political and military leadership, civil society and the public in a renewed commitment to eradicate terrorism. Out of this resolve emerged the National Action Plan (NAP) — a comprehensive 20-point strategy designed to counter terrorism and extremism at both operational and ideological levels. At the heart of NAP was a clear division of responsibilities between the military and civilian leadership. While the security forces were tasked with kinetic actions, including military operations and counterterrorism measures, the civilian government was responsible for governance reforms, justice system improvements and deradicalisation efforts. In the years that followed, Pakistan's armed forces successfully launched operations like Zarb-e-Azb and Radd-ul-Fasaad, dismantling militant networks and restoring a semblance of stability. However, the non-kinetic measures — arguably just as crucial - remained largely unfulfilled. The failure to address governance deficiencies, delays in justice and socio-political marginalisation created space for militant narratives to resurface. The recent hijacking of the Jaffar Express has once again shocked the nation, exposing the state's inability to assert control in Balochistan. This brazen attack, in which militants took passengers hostage and engaged in a prolonged standoff with security forces, has reignited concerns about Pakistan's deteriorating internal security. The Jaffar Express attack is not an isolated event but part of a larger pattern of lawlessness that has gripped Balochistan, where insurgent groups continue to challenge the state with impunity. The failure to ensure passenger safety on a major railway route raises alarming questions about the effectiveness of security measures and intelligence gathering in the province. This incident, alongside the resurgence of the Baloch separatist insurgency and the ongoing threat from TTP, highlights the urgent need to fully implement NAP. The state's kinetic responses have achieved significant battlefield successes, yet the deep-rooted grievances that fuel militancy remain unaddressed. The people of Balochistan, despite the province's rich natural resources, continue to suffer from economic deprivation, lack of political representation and systematic neglect. The merged districts of KP, formerly FATA, also remain underdeveloped and politically marginalised, making them susceptible to extremist influences. Without genuine reconciliation and socioeconomic integration, military operations alone cannot guarantee lasting peace. One of the major obstacles to a full realisation of NAP has been the country's political instability. Abrupt changes in governments, inconsistent policies and the politicisation of institutions - particularly the judiciary — have significantly hindered progress. The pattern of reversing policies every three years has effectively set Pakistan back by 15 years. Instead of maintaining a consistent counterterrorism strategy, successive governments have either deprioritised key NAP provisions or engaged in political manoeuvring that has stalled critical reforms. The inability to establish long-term institutional frameworks for countering extremism and ensuring governance reforms has allowed militants to exploit the state's vulnerabilities. Another key factor undermining counterterrorism efforts is the weakening of the National Counter Terrorism Authority (NACTA). Designed as the central body to coordinate intelligence and implement NAP, NACTA has been largely sidelined due to bureaucratic inefficiencies and political disinterest. Additionally, judicial reforms must be expedited to ensure timely prosecution of terror suspects, as prolonged trials and delayed justice contribute to a culture of impunity. The media also plays a crucial role in shaping public perception and countering extremist narratives. However, Pakistan's media landscape remains deeply polarised, often focusing more on political rivalries than on critical issues of national security. A concerted effort is needed to ensure that media platforms highlight the dangers of extremism and the necessity of implementing counterterrorism policies. Social media, in particular, has become a breeding ground for radicalisation, with extremist groups using digital platforms to recruit and spread propaganda. Regulatory mechanisms must be strengthened to monitor and counter extremist content without curbing legitimate freedom of expression. Furthermore, Pakistan's counterterrorism efforts cannot succeed in isolation. Regional dynamics, particularly the situation in Afghanistan, have a direct impact on Pakistan's internal security. The resurgence of the Taliban in Afghanistan has emboldened groups like the TTP, which now operates with greater freedom across the border. Pakistan must adopt a more proactive diplomatic approach, engaging regional and international stakeholders to ensure that Afghanistan does not become a safe haven for terrorists. It is also imperative for Pakistan to reassess its approach to religious extremism. To date the ideological battle against extremism remains largely unaddressed. Madrassa reforms, a key component of NAP, have seen little progress. Many religious seminaries continue to operate without regulation. The state must work closely with religious scholars to promote a counter-narrative that upholds tolerance and coexistence. The time for half-hearted effort is over. Pakistan can no longer afford to treat counterterrorism as a short-term military campaign. NAP remains Pakistan's most well-conceived framework for countering terrorism. Without its implementation Pakistan risks falling into a perpetual cycle of violence and instability.
Express Tribune
18-03-2025
- Politics
- Express Tribune
War against terrorism: Time to shoulder responsibility
Once again, the nation is waiting for the same commitment, resilience, and ownership displayed a decade ago at the time of the horrific Army Public School (APS) Peshawar attack (Dec 2014) to root out the menace of terrorism once and for all. The resurgence of BLA and TTP has placed Pakistan's stability, security, and territorial integrity under severe strain. Incidents like the Jaffar Express hijacking serve as stark reminders that traditional responses to these challenges would no longer serve the purpose. A decade ago, a comprehensive 20-point National Action Plan framework aimed at addressing both the operational and ideological roots of militancy was designed to eliminate extremism and terrorism from the country. The implementation of NAP resulted in the dismantling of terrorist networks through successful military operations, including Zarb-e-Azb and Radd-ul-Fasaad. However, with the passage of time, the thrust to implement NAP in its entirety faded away. Although progress was visible in terms of kinetic actions, the political, social, and educational reforms outlined in the plan remained largely neglected. In 2021, changing dynamics and the spectrum of threats resulted in a revision of the National Action Plan. The revised plan laid more emphasis on kinetic and non-kinetic strategies with the objective of crafting a balanced and sustainable response to militancy. In the kinetic domain, security forces delivered outstanding victories on the battlefield, neutralizing high-profile militant leaders and destroying terrorist sanctuaries. However, non-implementation of reconciliation efforts, justice reforms, governance improvements, and socioeconomic uplift—the non-kinetic aspects of NAP—severely dented the overall efforts in the fight against terrorism. No one can deny the importance of the kinetic approach, but partial implementation of NAP raises critical questions. On paper, the framework promises a holistic solution. In practice, however, its partial application has failed to address the fundamental drivers of unrest in regions like Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Without addressing these issues, the state's writ would be eroded, especially in restive areas. These successes on the security front are temporary if they are not followed by meaningful political engagement and development initiatives. The non-kinetic components of NAP are critical for long-term stability. Unfortunately, these have been sidelined by consecutive governments. Reconciliation efforts in Balochistan have yet to take off in earnest, and the merged districts of KP remain marginalized and underdeveloped. Without genuine political inclusion, social services, and economic opportunities, these regions will remain vulnerable to exploitation by insurgents and extremist ideologues. In Balochistan, despite its wealth in natural resources, many communities continue to live in awful conditions. Similarly, the merged areas of KP suffer from lingering underdevelopment and a lack of political representation. Deprivation, marginalization, and the absence of genuine political freedom create fertile ground for recruitment into extremist causes. These conditions foster deep resentment, which militant groups are quick to exploit. Addressing these challenges requires more than military operations. There needs to be a serious, sustained reconciliation process and inclusive governance that empowers local communities. Unfortunately, the political will to take these bold steps has been lacking, leaving the root causes of militancy unaddressed. The path forward demands reconciliation and reintegration efforts aimed at militants willing to renounce violence and enter the political mainstream. However, these efforts must be conducted within firm red lines: Pakistan's territorial integrity and constitutional supremacy cannot be compromised. Any dialogue or political settlement must reinforce national unity and uphold the rule of law. The time for half-measures is over. If Pakistan is to break the cycle of insurgency and violence, it must implement the National Action Plan in its entirety in both kinetic and non-kinetic domains. The burden cannot fall solely on the shoulders of security forces. Civilian leadership, along with provincial governments, must take ownership of governance reforms, socioeconomic initiatives, and political reconciliation. Without a comprehensive approach, Pakistan risks falling into a repetitive cycle of instability. It is not enough to overpower terrorism militarily; the state must address the structural injustices and grievances that give rise to militancy in the first place. No doubt, the National Action Plan presents a wholesome approach, but its success hinges on implementation, not just in military terms but in political and social arenas as well. Pakistan's leadership must show the vision and willpower to fulfill the promises made under NAP. It's time for all political parties to shoulder responsibility, as only through a holistic, wide-ranging approach can the dream of a peaceful, stable, and terror-free society be accomplished.
Express Tribune
18-03-2025
- Politics
- Express Tribune
Reviving the National Action Plan: A Roadmap for Pakistan's Security and Stability
Pakistan today stands at a critical juncture. A renewed wave of terrorism has rekindled serious concerns about the nation's internal security. Incidents like the Jaffar Express hijacking serve as stark reminders that traditional responses to these challenges are no longer adequate. The resurgence of the Baloch separatist insurgency and the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) campaign have once again placed Pakistan's stability, security, and territorial integrity under severe strain. In this climate of heightened threat, the revival and full implementation of the National Action Plan (NAP) has become not just necessary, but urgent. The National Action Plan was first introduced in December 2014, following the horrific Army Public School (APS) Peshawar attack. The massacre of over 140 innocent people, most of them schoolchildren, shocked the nation and galvanized both civil and military leadership into action. Out of this national tragedy emerged NAP, a 20-point counterterrorism framework designed to eliminate extremism and terrorism from the country. It was a comprehensive policy aimed at addressing both the operational and ideological roots of militancy. Initially, NAP led to a series of significant military operations, including Zarb-e-Azb and Radd-ul-Fasaad, which successfully dismantled many militant networks. However, as time passed and the immediate threat appeared to subside, the momentum to implement NAP in its entirety faded. While progress was visible in terms of kinetic actions, the political, social, and educational reforms outlined in the plan remained largely neglected. In recognition of changing dynamics and evolving threats, NAP was revised in 2021. The updated blueprint laid equal emphasis on kinetic (military and law enforcement) and non-kinetic (political, social, and economic) strategies. The objective was to craft a balanced and sustainable response to militancy—combining force where necessary with measures aimed at addressing the underlying grievances that foster insurgency and extremism. Despite the revision, implementation remains inconsistent and incomplete. Pakistan's security forces have delivered notable successes on the battlefield, neutralizing high-profile militant leaders and destroying terrorist sanctuaries. However, the non-kinetic dimensions of NAP, such as reconciliation efforts, justice reforms, governance improvements, and socioeconomic uplift, have been severely lacking. This uneven implementation raises critical questions. Has NAP been carried out as envisioned? On paper, the framework promises a holistic solution. In practice, however, its partial application has failed to address the fundamental drivers of unrest in regions like Balochistan and Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa. There is no doubt that kinetic actions—military operations and law enforcement interventions—are essential for disrupting militant networks and restoring security. Without these, the state's writ would be eroded, especially in restive areas. But these victories on the security front are temporary if they are not followed by meaningful political engagement and development initiatives. The non-kinetic components of NAP are critical for long-term stability. Unfortunately, these have been sidelined by successive governments. Reconciliation efforts in Balochistan have yet to take off in earnest, and the merged districts of KP (formerly FATA) remain marginalized and underdeveloped. Without genuine political inclusion, social services, and economic opportunities, these regions will remain vulnerable to exploitation by insurgents and extremist ideologues. In Balochistan, despite its wealth in natural resources, many communities continue to live in dire poverty. Similarly, the merged areas of KP suffer from chronic underdevelopment and a lack of political representation. These conditions foster deep resentment, which militant groups are quick to exploit. Deprivation, marginalization, and the absence of genuine political freedom create fertile ground for recruitment into extremist causes. Addressing these challenges requires more than military operations. There needs to be a serious, sustained reconciliation process and inclusive governance that empowers local communities. Unfortunately, the political will to take these bold steps has been lacking, leaving the root causes of militancy unaddressed. The path forward demands reconciliation and reintegration efforts aimed at militants willing to renounce violence and enter the political mainstream. However, these efforts must be conducted within firm red lines: Pakistan's territorial integrity and constitutional supremacy cannot be compromised. Any dialogue or political settlement must reinforce national unity and uphold the rule of law. The time for half-measures is over. If Pakistan is to break the cycle of insurgency and violence, it must implement the National Action Plan in its entirety—in both kinetic and non-kinetic spheres. The burden cannot fall solely on the shoulders of security forces. Civilian leadership, along with provincial governments, must take ownership of governance reforms, socioeconomicinitiatives, and political reconciliation. Without a comprehensive approach, Pakistan risks falling into a repetitive cycle of instability. It is not enough to suppress terrorism militarily; the state must address the structural inequities and grievances that give rise to militancy in the first place. The National Action Plan remains Pakistan's most coherent and comprehensive strategy to counter terrorism and extremism. But its success hinges on implementation—not just in military terms, but in political and social arenas as well. Pakistan's leadership must show the vision and determination to fulfill the promises made under NAP. Only through a holistic, inclusive approach can Pakistan hope to restore peace, ensure stability, and secure a better future for all its citizens. The views expressed by the writer and the reader comments do not necassarily reflect the views and policies of the Express Tribune.
