The problem is clear – but so is the route to achieving independence
The halfway he has come is his acknowledgement of what is a blindingly obvious political fact, namely that London will not consent to another Holyrood indyref. Perhaps that acknowledgement has been pressed on him by the definitive judgment of the Supreme Court that Holyrood's founding act (the Scotland Act 1998) – in reserving to Westminster all power to legislate on matters 'relating' to the Union – does indeed prohibit the Scottish Parliament from legislating to set up an indyref without special permission from London.
READ MORE: John Swinney launches report showing Scotland 'must be in charge of destiny'
It can be no surprise to any thinking person that London has no intention whatsoever of granting permission, and barring a near miracle, will keep to that intention, whatever party is in power at Westminster. Mr Walker now seems to accept the position: 'Successive Westminster governments have been steadfast in their refusal to countenance a second independence referendum. There is no hope of that changing.'
The half not yet traversed by Mr Walker covers what to do about it. He seems to regard it as a bottomless chasm with no way across: 'We have exhausted every avenue available to us to find a way of allowing our democratic will to be expressed.' But, he wonders, could there be a small gleam of hope in the recent plan of James Dornan MSP, who suggests in his article of June 10 (Tell voters we will hold new indyref no matter what Westminster says) that the Scottish Government should run an indyref even without London's permission.
Dismissing the complete legal impossibility of that plan, and its incompatibility with his already stated position, Mr Walker falls for it: 'Dornan's plan may not be perfect but it's the best I've heard yet.' Are we then just to step out onto Mr Dornan's imaginary bridge? Not an inspiring prospect.
Here's what the real bridge is:
1. Run the next Westminster General Election on a simple manifesto making it a true popular plebiscite on independence. The country will treat it as their real and effective vote on the issue and, as with the 2014 indyref, turnout will rocket. The current steady support is an excellent starting point. Any national majority for Yes will fill all, or almost all, of the Scottish seats with indy MPs. Scotland has no higher representatives in constitutional or legislative matters than these.
READ MORE: Independence campaigners react to John Swinney speech on independence
2. Thus elected, those supreme representatives of Scotland will have a fully democratic mandate to take Scotland out of the Union. Such a step is consistent with UK law and constitution, which hold no prohibition on it.
3. If London still declines to cooperate (though at that juncture it almost certainly will come to the table), the body of Scottish MPs, by their own majority (in the circumstance, virtually unanimously) carry out the step for which they were elected, declaring Scotland to be a sovereign and independent country.
(The Holyrood election might be used, but only as a dry run, since we currently have a mere nine indy MPs in place thanks to the SNP completely mishandling last year's election.)
And that, in a nutshell, is it. Fully legal, constitutional, democratic, peaceful and proper. Indyref last-gaspers inside and outside the SNP might be dumbstruck, but no-one else will. And Scotland rejoins the world.
Alan Crocket
Motherwell
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