Thailand chooses Swedish Gripen jets over F-16s for its air force
BANGKOK: Thailand on Wednesday announced plans to buy four Gripen fighter jets in a $500 million deal, choosing the Swedish-made planes over American F-16s as it renews its air combat fleet.
The Gripen E/F models, made by Nordic industrial giant Saab, will replace the Royal Thai Air Force's older F-16 A/B jets bought in the 1980s.
The announcement is the first phase of a 10-year plan to buy 12 fighter aircraft as Thailand updates its air power.
'This is an important project to strengthen our force to protect our sovereignty,' Air Force Chief Punpakdee Pattanakul told reporters.
The procurement order will go to the Thai cabinet for approval around mid-July, and is expected to be finalised by the end of August.
A procurement committee recommended buying the Gripen rather than the F-16 last August after a 10-month process of deliberation.
The kingdom already operates 11 older Gripens, as well as dozens of F-16s.
The decision to favour the Swedish fighter over the American one is unlikely to help Thailand's efforts to reach a tariff deal with US President Donald Trump's administration.
Thailand is hoping to negotiate some kind of reduction or relief from Trump's threatened 36 percent levy, announced as part of the president's sweeping global 'reciprocal' tariffs.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
New Straits Times
26 minutes ago
- New Straits Times
The lesson Asean must draw from the Trump-Musk quarrel
THE public spat between President Donald Trump and Elon Musk should be viewed with detached clarity by Asean policymakers and observers. It is neither a signal of a shift in American foreign policy nor does it foreshadow a major realignment in the global tech landscape. In his second term, Trump has doubled down on his view that the US must be ruled not by institutions but by personalities. He has no patience with those who challenge his centrality. Musk, once an object of Trump's admiration, has become a rival personality. The former's influence spans multiple domains — space, artificial intelligence, electric vehicles and digital media. In the eyes of Trump, this influence must be subordinate to political loyalty. Musk's criticism of Trump, whether on policy, personality or principle, has thus drawn an inevitable response. Yet Musk is no innocent bystander. His relentless need to comment, provoke and insert himself into the political arena has increasingly eroded the neutrality that once insulated Tesla and SpaceX from partisan warfare. Since acquiring Twitter — renamed X — Musk has made the platform a personal amplifier of his views, often blurring the line between corporate strategy and personal vendetta. Just as Trump cannot resist attacking, Musk cannot help but respond. The result is a digital 'blood sport'. At a deeper level, Musk's recent provocations may be to deflect attention from his growing troubles. Tesla, long seen as the undisputed champion of electric vehicles, is now steadily losing global market share to China's BYD. Despite Musk's early-mover advantage, the Chinese EV juggernaut has surpassed Tesla in both unit sales and technological innovation, especially in markets across Asia and the Global South. This shift is not just commercial — it is geopolitical. China's industrial policy, from lithium refining to battery standardisation, has enabled firms like BYD to undercut and outpace American competitors. Tesla, by contrast, faces domestic regulatory scrutiny, investor fatigue and inconsistent leadership. Musk, who once rode the wave of futuristic optimism, is now increasingly seen as a mercurial figure whose ventures are overextended and reactive. While American media and pundits obsess about this feud, Asean must resist being distracted. The region is entering a critical decade in which its ability to lead on green transition, artificial intelligence governance and maritime security will define its global role. Whether Musk and Trump call each other names or trade blows on social media is irrelevant to the Asean Outlook on the Indo-Pacific, or to the implementation of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership. Moreover, if there is a lesson to draw from this spectacle, it is the danger of personalising power. Asean's strength has always rested in its ability to temper egos through consensus and consultation. That is not a flaw but a survival mechanism. The bloc should be wary of importing political styles rooted in personality cults, where institutions are hollowed out in favour of personal charisma and performative leadership. Musk and Trump are both creatures of the same American pathology: the belief that individual willpower, when fused with wealth or fame, is enough to override complex systems. But Asean is different. The region's success depends not on dominant personalities but on the patient weaving of trust, rules and interdependence. Ultimately, Asean must tune out the noise. There are far more pressing issues to confront — from resolving the Myanmar crisis and addressing climate-induced migration, to strengthening regional supply chains and ensuring cybersecurity. The Musk-Trump bust-up may dominate headlines in Washington, but it is only a sideshow to the real geopolitical currents shaping Asia's future.
The Star
44 minutes ago
- The Star
Thai Air Force boosts readiness with F-16, T-50 joint drills with Indonesia
BANGKOK: The Royal Thai Air Force (RTAF) has reiterated its commitment to deterring and responding decisively to any violation of national sovereignty. Most recently, Wing 1 in Nakhon Ratchasima is set to conduct a joint air exercise with the Indonesian Air Force, involving T-50 and F-16 aircraft. Meanwhile, Wing 3 in Sa Kaeo Province has declared round-the-clock readiness at its base. According to official reports, Wing 3 is conducting intensive training to maximise its defensive capabilities at home station. 'This is no ordinary drill. It represents an integration of advanced capabilities for proactive defence,' an RTAF spokesperson stated. 'We've combined ground-based and aerial surveillance systems, including unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), and coordinated them through a centralised Command and Control (C2) system—creating an invisible yet highly effective defensive shield that detects every anomaly.' The ongoing drills and technology readiness clearly signal one thing: we see, we know, and we are prepared. The RTAF's current combat readiness is not intended for aggression, but for deterrence and swift response, should the nation's sovereignty be challenged. - The Nation/ANN
The Star
an hour ago
- The Star
Nepal's US trade preference at risk amid growing tariff tensions
KATHMANDU: New tariff tensions could further undermine the modest gains of least developed countries (LDCs), small island developing states (SIDS) and landlocked developing countries (LLDCs), according to a recent report. The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, in its May publication titled 'Sparing the Vulnerable: The Cost of New Tariff Burdens', warns that these vulnerable economies could face some of the highest new US tariffs. This could lead to a decline in critical exports and pose substantial risks to their long-term development prospects. The report defines 'vulnerable economies' as LDCs, SIDS, and LLDCs—nations already struggling with structural economic and geographic disadvantages. 'US President Donald Trump is creating tariff uncertainty as a bargaining tactic in trade negotiations,' said Purushottam Ojha, a former commerce secretary. 'There is uncertainty in US tariff policy, with new tariffs being imposed, suspended, and then reinstated without predictable patterns.' Ojha noted that Nepal's trade benefits under the Nepal Trade Preference Programme are set to expire this year, potentially creating new hurdles for exporting goods to the US market. 'This tariff uncertainty increases the cost of trade, which can have a wider impact on economies that heavily rely on imports,' he said. 'The erratic US tariff policy is not a healthy sign for global trade.' The US recently increased tariffs on steel and aluminium from 25 per cent to 50 per cent and imposed 45–50 percent tariffs on products from several countries, though these have been temporarily suspended for 90 days. According to Ojha, one silver lining is that the tariff differential between Nepal and other countries has temporarily improved the competitiveness of Nepali goods. 'But with the implementation of new US tariffs still unclear, it's hard to rely on this advantage.' In the last fiscal year, Nepal recorded a trade deficit of Rs2.16 billion (US$15.8 million) with the US. According to the Department of Customs data, Nepal exported goods worth Rs17.31 billion to the US while imports totalled Rs19.48 billion. Top Nepali exports to the US included carpets, dog chew, felt goods, readymade garments for men and women, ceramic goods, pashmina, essential oils, musical instruments, handmade paper and cotton bags. Meanwhile, Nepal imported items such as soybeans, coal, oil cake, aircraft and helicopter parts, printed software manuals, artificial filament tow of cellulose acetate, laboratory and diagnostic equipment, wood pulp and almonds from the US. The US introduced the Nepal Trade Preference Programme after the April 2015 earthquake, granting duty-free access to 77 items to support economic recovery. However, trade experts say the preferential treatment has failed to significantly boost exports. The programme applies to 77 tariff lines: 56 textile products, ten footwear items, nine clothing goods and two fodder-related products. According to reports, as of Thursday (June 5), the average effective US tariff rate stands at 15.1 per cent, up sharply from the 2.5 per cent rate before the recent rounds of tariff increases. This rise results from ongoing trade disputes and retaliatory measures, contributing to a highly complex and volatile trade environment. Despite special provisions under multilateral trade rules, the participation of vulnerable economies in global trade remains minimal. They make up less than 0.5 per cent of total US imports and contribute insignificantly to US tariff revenue or trade deficits. According to the report, the least developed and landlocked developing countries account for only 1.3 per cent of global exports—a figure that has largely remained unchanged over the past three decades. This stagnation persists despite the Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) of significantly increasing the export share of developing countries, with a particular aim of doubling LDC exports by 2020. Instead, export growth for these nations has moved at a 'snail's pace' over the last 30 years, the report says. Though the US market is critical for the exports of these vulnerable economies, their footprint remains small. The report states that LDCs account for 8.9 per cent of total US exports and just 0.9 per cent of US imports. Similarly, LLDCs buy 2.1 per cent of US exports while supplying 0.2 per cent of imports. Regarding trade deficits, LDCs contribute 1.5 per cent to the US deficit, while LLDCs have a negative contribution of 0.2 per cent, meaning the US runs a trade surplus with them. The report emphasises that newly imposed US tariffs, which are layered and vary by the country, represent an added burden for these countries. Under new US tariffs announced between January and mid-May 2025, a ten per cent tariff has been applied across the board, excluding Canada, Mexico, and China. In 2023, the US imports from landlocked developing countries amounted to US$6.2 billion. Of this, 59 per cent of goods were subject to country-specific tariffs, while 41 per cent enjoyed exemptions. Imports from least developed countries stood at US$27.4 billion, with 93 per cent falling under country-specific tariffs and only seven per cent exempt. The exemptions mainly apply to primary goods such as vegetable products, footwear, foodstuffs, and headgear. The report warns that LDCs will bear the brunt of these new tariff policies. The trade-weighted average tariff the US applies to imports from LDCs is 43.9 per cent—far higher than the 7.3 per cent tariff those countries impose on US exports. For LLDCs, the US applies an average tariff of 17.1 per cent, compared to a 5.2 per cent tariff on US exports. The report concludes that shrinking preferential tariff margins threaten to erode export viability for dozens of vulnerable countries, potentially setting back years of slow but hard-earned progress in trade and development. - The Kathmandu Post/ANN
