The lesson Asean must draw from the Trump-Musk quarrel
THE public spat between President Donald Trump and Elon Musk should be viewed with detached clarity by Asean policymakers and observers.
It is neither a signal of a shift in American foreign policy nor does it foreshadow a major realignment in the global tech landscape.
In his second term, Trump has doubled down on his view that the US must be ruled not by institutions but by personalities.
He has no patience with those who challenge his centrality.
Musk, once an object of Trump's admiration, has become a rival personality. The former's influence spans multiple domains — space, artificial intelligence, electric vehicles and digital media.
In the eyes of Trump, this influence must be subordinate to political loyalty. Musk's criticism of Trump, whether on policy, personality or principle, has thus drawn an inevitable response.
Yet Musk is no innocent bystander. His relentless need to comment, provoke and insert himself into the political arena has increasingly eroded the neutrality that once insulated Tesla and SpaceX from partisan warfare.
Since acquiring Twitter — renamed X — Musk has made the platform a personal amplifier of his views, often blurring the line between corporate strategy and personal vendetta.
Just as Trump cannot resist attacking, Musk cannot help but respond. The result is a digital 'blood sport'.
At a deeper level, Musk's recent provocations may be to deflect attention from his growing troubles. Tesla, long seen as the undisputed champion of electric vehicles, is now steadily losing global market share to China's BYD.
Despite Musk's early-mover advantage, the Chinese EV juggernaut has surpassed Tesla in both unit sales and technological innovation, especially in markets across Asia and the Global South.
This shift is not just commercial — it is geopolitical. China's industrial policy, from lithium refining to battery standardisation, has enabled firms like BYD to undercut and outpace American competitors.
Tesla, by contrast, faces domestic regulatory scrutiny, investor fatigue and inconsistent leadership. Musk, who once rode the wave of futuristic optimism, is now increasingly seen as a mercurial figure whose ventures are overextended and reactive.
While American media and pundits obsess about this feud, Asean must resist being distracted.
The region is entering a critical decade in which its ability to lead on green transition, artificial intelligence governance and maritime security will define its global role.
Whether Musk and Trump call each other names or trade blows on social media is irrelevant to the Asean Outlook on the Indo-Pacific, or to the implementation of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership.
Moreover, if there is a lesson to draw from this spectacle, it is the danger of personalising power. Asean's strength has always rested in its ability to temper egos through consensus and consultation.
That is not a flaw but a survival mechanism. The bloc should be wary of importing political styles rooted in personality cults, where institutions are hollowed out in favour of personal charisma and performative leadership.
Musk and Trump are both creatures of the same American pathology: the belief that individual willpower, when fused with wealth or fame, is enough to override complex systems.
But Asean is different. The region's success depends not on dominant personalities but on the patient weaving of trust, rules and interdependence.
Ultimately, Asean must tune out the noise. There are far more pressing issues to confront — from resolving the Myanmar crisis and addressing climate-induced migration, to strengthening regional supply chains and ensuring cybersecurity.
The Musk-Trump bust-up may dominate headlines in Washington, but it is only a sideshow to the real geopolitical currents shaping Asia's future.
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