logo
Killings at European schools fan concern U.S. problem is spreading

Killings at European schools fan concern U.S. problem is spreading

Japan Times16-06-2025
A spate of school killings in Western Europe has raised pressure on authorities to tackle a problem long seen as a largely U.S. phenomenon, increasing momentum for tougher gun and security laws as well as more policing of social media.
While mass shootings remain far more common in the United States, four of the worst school shootings in Western Europe this century have occurred since 2023; two of them — a massacre of 11 people in Austria and another in Sweden — have taken place this year.
Last week's killings in the Austrian city of Graz sparked calls for tighter gun laws by political leaders, mirroring the response of the Swedish government after the 11 deaths at the Campus Risbergska school in Orebro in February.
"Mass shootings, of which school shootings are a part, were overwhelmingly a U.S. problem in the past, but the balance is shifting," said Adam Lankford, a criminologist at the University of Alabama. "The number in Europe and elsewhere is increasing."
Part of the rise stems from copycat attacks in Europe often inspired by notorious U.S. rampages such as the 1999 Columbine High School massacre, according to shooters' own comments or their internet search histories, Lankford said. "It's like an export from America. These attackers see other people do it and it has a snowball effect."
According to research by Lankford and his colleague, Jason Silva, shootings carried out by people eager for notoriety were twice as numerous in the United States as in the rest of the world between 2005 and 2010. By 2017-22, the rest of the world had caught up.
Their data also shows that Europe accounts for a bigger share of mass shootings than it used to.
It should be easier for European politicians to act against mass shootings than in the United States, due to the central role of guns in American culture and identity, Lankford said.
The European Union has left gun laws and regulation of social media up to member states. Recent killings have seen a drive by several countries to apply tougher rules.
In Sweden, the government agreed to tighten the vetting process for people applying for gun licenses and to clamp down on some semi-automatic weapons following the Orebro killings.
Incidents of violence and threatening behavior in junior high and high schools in Sweden rose over 150% between 2003 and 2023, according to a report by the country's Work Environment Authority.
In Finland, where a 12-year-old shot dead a fellow pupil and badly wounded two others in 2024, schools practice barricading doors and hiding from shooters. The government has also proposed stricter punishments for carrying guns in public.
Following a deadly December knife attack at a Zagreb primary school, Croatia's government tightened access to schools and mandated they must have security guards.
Germany has gradually imposed tighter controls on gun ownership since school massacres in 2002 and 2009, and last year introduced a ban on switchblades and on carrying knives at public events following a series of knife attacks.
Tightening gun ownership was the only way politicians could show they were taking the issue seriously, said Dirk Baier, a criminologist at the Zurich University of Applied Sciences.
"There will certainly be resistance to this, from hunters, sport shooters, or other lobby groups," he said. "However, I think the arguments for tightening the laws will outweigh the arguments against."
Gun laws have also been a hot political topic in the Czech Republic since a student shot dead 14 people at the Charles University in Prague in December 2023.
The country made it obligatory for gun sellers to report suspicious purchases and requires doctors to check whether people diagnosed with psychological problems hold gun permits.
Britain is holding a public inquiry into an attack in Southport in which three young girls were stabbed to death last year. U.K. drama "Adolescence," a story about a schoolboy accused of murder, explores concerns about toxic online culture.
Meanwhile, French President Emmanuel Macron this month pressed for EU regulation to ban social media for children under 15 following a fatal school stabbing.
What motivated the Austrian school gunman is still under investigation. Police said he was socially withdrawn and passionate about online shooting games.
Most such shootings are carried out by young men, and criminologist Lankford said there was a global phenomenon of perpetrators seeking notoriety that eluded them in real life, driven in part by social media.
"Even if the shooters expect to die, some are excited about leaving behind a legacy."
Austrian President Alexander Van der Bellen said after the attack that the country's relatively liberal gun laws deserved closer scrutiny.
Broad support in Austria for tightening gun ownership laws looked probable, although a general ban on private weapons seems unlikely, said political scientist Peter Filzmaier.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Putin is about to outplay Trump again in Alaska
Putin is about to outplay Trump again in Alaska

Japan Times

time4 hours ago

  • Japan Times

Putin is about to outplay Trump again in Alaska

Ukrainian and European leaders are worried Donald Trump will get played for a second time when and if he meets his Russian counterpart in a meeting tentatively scheduled to take place in Alaska on Friday, and they're right to be nervous. Indeed, if Trump wants to emerge from the talks a master negotiator rather than a pushover, his smartest move would have been to postpone the summit until it's better prepared. Trump isn't wrong to try sitting down with U.S. foes and rivals, even where more conventional leaders would avoid the risk. But hastily arranged encounters rarely result as hoped and everything about the visit by Trump's envoy Steve Witkoff to Moscow that produced the Alaska invitation last week screams confusion. With so much fog on the American side, it's best to understand what Friday's scheduled meeting is really about from the point of view of Vladimir Putin. To him, this is a windfall he can use both to defuse Trump's threat of sanctions and further his war effort. That's what happened earlier this year, when the former KGB handler made good use of Trump's obvious desperation to secure a peace deal in Ukraine and an economic reset with Moscow. No matter how much Trump was willing to give away, including sanctions relief, Putin saw just one thing: a strategic opportunity. With the U.S. no longer willing to help arm Ukraine's defense, except — as eventually persuaded — when paid, Putin did the only logical thing: He upped the pace of his war effort, both on land and in the air, to take advantage of Kyiv's weakening position. Eventually, even Trump had to acknowledge he was getting strung along. Faced with an Aug. 8 deadline before the U.S. imposed financial consequences on Russia for its intransigence, Putin's task when Witkoff arrived in Moscow was once again to do just enough to stall any U.S. action, while making sure any concrete outcomes would strengthen Russia's position. So far, that's going swimmingly. He got something for nothing. The first priority was to keep Volodymyr Zelenskyy out of the room, rather than have the three-way meeting that Trump — to his credit — was suggesting. The Ukrainian leader's presence would require actual negotiation, making Russian disinterest hard to hide. By insisting on a bilateral sit down with Trump, Putin can seek to propose terms this U.S. administration might accept, but he knows Ukraine can't. That would once again make Zelenskyy the person Trump blames for standing in the way of peace, taking the pressure off Putin. The second goal was to find a location for the meeting that would demonstrate, both to Russians and to leaders around the world, that Putin is no longer a pariah avoiding travel for fear of arrest under a war crimes warrant the International Criminal Court issued against him in 2023. Indeed, this would be Putin's first visit to the U.S. (outside trips to the United Nations in New York) since 2007, before his invasion of Georgia the following year. A summit in Alaska — a U.S. state that once belonged to the Russian Empire — would send a strong signal of Putin's rehabilitation, while also pointing to the Kremlin's long historical reach as a great power. Trump's invitation alone is a win for the Kremlin. If the summit also serves to delay U.S. sanctions or produces a "peace' plan that sows dissension between Ukraine and its allies, all the more so. But any genuine path to a lasting end to hostilities will need a lot more pressure, both financial and military, as well as preparation. If an account in Germany's Bild magazine is correct, Putin and his officials ran rings around Witkoff when they met the U.S. real estate-developer-turned-diplomat last week, leaving him confused about what was on offer. Whatever Witkoff may have misunderstood, it was enough for the U.S. president to say land swaps were on the table, when they aren't. What the Kremlin appears ready to consider is that Ukraine should hand over parts of the Donbas that Russia hasn't yet been able to conquer, in exchange for a ceasefire. So, not a land swap, but land handed over in perpetuity in exchange for a truce that's probably temporary. According to Bild, the Russian "offer' may also have required Ukraine to first withdraw its troops from much larger areas of the Kherson and Zaporizhzhia provinces that Russia also claims to have annexed but has yet been unable to occupy. The Kremlin may also be willing to offer a truce in its air war to ward off sanctions, but that's less of a concession than it seems. Unlike two years ago, when that was a one-way fight, Ukraine's newly built long-range drones and missiles are doing increasing damage to Russian energy and military assets. On Monday, they hit a factory making guidance systems for Russia's missiles near the city of Nizhny Novgorod, about 440 kilometers (270 miles) east of Moscow. A truce might at this point be welcomed by both sides. Ukrainians know they'll to have to cede control of territory to end Putin's invasion. But they have in mind the kinds of concessions made to the Josef Stalin in Germany at the end of World War II. He secured control over the eastern half of that country for the Soviet Union, but West Germany retained its sovereign claim over the east and — eventually — got it back. Just as important is that after a brief attempt at seizing all of Berlin, the Kremlin left West Germany to prosper in peace. There's no indication Putin wants that kind of deal. It would do nothing to further his actual goals in going to war, which were to secure control over a de-militarized Ukraine as well as U.S. acceptance of a Russian sphere of influence in Europe, uncontested by NATO. Putin never hides this. It's what he means when he says he's happy to talk about a ceasefire, just as soon as the "root causes' of the war are addressed. There will be a time and place for a Trump-Putin summit. But it's unlikely to be this week in Alaska. Marc Champion is a Bloomberg Opinion columnist covering Europe, Russia and the Middle East.

Former IMF economist advises Japan to strengthen non-U.S. ties
Former IMF economist advises Japan to strengthen non-U.S. ties

Japan Times

timea day ago

  • Japan Times

Former IMF economist advises Japan to strengthen non-U.S. ties

Former International Monetary Fund Chief Economist Maurice Obstfeld has advised Japan to strengthen its cooperation with Asian and European countries, given disruptions to the global economic and financial order caused by U.S. policies. In a recent interview with Jiji Press, Obstfeld expressed concern that U.S. President Donald Trump's administration has taken policy measures, including high tariffs and tax laws, that expand the federal debt and unpredictability, thereby undermining confidence in the dollar. He also said such actions are driving trade partners to deepen integration with countries other than the United States. "It will ultimately look attractive to countries to divert their trade links toward deeper integration with other trade partners, just in the interest of protecting themselves from mercurial U.S. policies," Obstfeld explained. Looking forward, Obstfeld stated, "The world is not going to return for a long time, if ever, to what it was before 2017," when the first Trump administration was inaugurated. Given this, Obstfeld urged Japan to strengthen its economic partnerships, including the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) and regional frameworks such as ASEAN Plus Three, whose members are the 10-country Association of Southeast Asian Nations as well as Japan, China and South Korea. Regarding the future of the international monetary system, Obstfeld predicted a "multipolar" era in which the dominance of the U.S. dollar as the key currency would slightly decline, while the presence of the euro and the Chinese yuan would grow. Citing U.S. policies that could undermine confidence in the dollar, he assessed that the yuan, in particular, has significant potential for the future. Obstfeld is a senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics. He has also served as an international adviser to the Bank of Japan's Institute for Monetary and Economic Studies.

Europe races to try to influence U.S. position ahead of Trump-Putin talks
Europe races to try to influence U.S. position ahead of Trump-Putin talks

Japan Times

time2 days ago

  • Japan Times

Europe races to try to influence U.S. position ahead of Trump-Putin talks

European leaders and Ukraine's Volodymyr Zelenskyy will speak to U.S. President Donald Trump this week ahead of his summit with Russian leader Vladimir Putin, amid fears Washington may dictate unfavorable peace terms to Ukraine. Trump announced last week he would meet Putin on Friday in Alaska to negotiate an end to the 3-1/2-year war, which began with Russia's full-scale invasion of its neighbor. Ukraine and its European allies fear that Trump, keen to claim credit for making peace and also hoping to seal lucrative joint business deals with Moscow, could align with Putin to cut a deal that would be deeply disadvantageous to Kyiv. Germany said it was convening a series of top-level video conferences on Wednesday to prepare for the summit including one at 1500 CET (1300 GMT) between European leaders, Zelenskyy, Trump and U.S. Vice President JD Vance. It will be the first time Zelenskyy and Trump have spoken since the Alaska summit was announced. European leaders and EU and NATO officials would coordinate their approach beforehand, a German government spokesperson said. Zelenskyy said on Monday that concessions to Moscow would not persuade it to stop fighting in Ukraine and that there was a need to ramp up pressure on the Kremlin. "Russia refuses to stop the killings, and therefore must not receive any rewards or benefits," Zelenskyy wrote on X. He later held separate phone calls with the leaders of India and Saudi Arabia — which both have cordial ties with Moscow — in an effort to bolster international support for Kyiv's position ahead of the Trump-Putin talks. European Union foreign ministers discussed their support for Kyiv and the upcoming meeting in a video conference on Monday afternoon. "Transatlantic unity, support to Ukraine and pressure on Russia is how we will end this war and prevent future Russian aggression in Europe," EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas wrote on X following the discussion on Ukraine. "EU Foreign Ministers today expressed support for U.S. steps that will lead to a just peace," Kallas wrote. "Meanwhile, we work on more sanctions against Russia, more military support for Ukraine and more support for Ukraine's budgetary needs and accession process to join the EU," she added. Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha, who participated in the video conference, said in a post on X after the talks that "Russia has been imitating the peace process, twisting, manipulating, and throwing dust in our eyes." "No rewards, gifts or appeasement of the aggressor. Every concession invites further aggression," he said. Italy's Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani told his counterparts on the call that "we support President Trump's efforts and we see some progress," according to Italian officials. "Any diplomatic solution must protect Ukraine's sovereignty, its territorial integrity, and its freedom to choose its own future, including its path toward the EU," Tajani said. British Prime Minister Keir Starmer's spokesperson said London supported Trump's efforts to end the war in Ukraine but believed Kyiv must be involved in any settlement on ending the fighting. "We will never trust President Putin as far as you can throw him, but we will support Ukraine and President Trump and European nations as we enter these negotiations," Starmer's spokesperson told reporters. "Any peace must be built with Ukraine, not imposed upon it, and we will not reward aggression or compromise sovereignty." The Alaska meeting comes as Trump has hardened his stance towards Moscow, agreeing to allow additional U.S. weapons to reach Ukraine and threatening tariffs against buyers of Russian oil. Even so, the prospect of Trump hosting Putin — on U.S. soil, in what will be the first meeting between leaders of the United States and Russia since 2021 — has revived fears that he might agree to a deal that forces big concessions from Kyiv or weakens European security. Trump has said any peace deal would involve "some swapping of territories to the betterment of both" Russia and Ukraine, prompting consternation in Kyiv and European capitals. "Regarding territorial issues, the Russian position is framed as a territorial swap, but it appears as a rather one-sided swap," a European Commission official said on Sunday. Russia currently occupies about a fifth of Ukrainian territory, while Ukraine holds barely any Russian territory. European leaders have underscored their commitment to the idea that international borders cannot be changed by force, fearing any deal forced on Kyiv could create a dangerous precedent. "The most robust security guarantee would be that there are no limitations on Ukrainian armed forces and third countries' support to Ukraine," the Commission official said.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store