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Houston rushing to fix up city before 2026 FIFA World Cup — but is the cost of hosting these events worth it?

Houston rushing to fix up city before 2026 FIFA World Cup — but is the cost of hosting these events worth it?

Yahoo2 days ago

As the 2026 FIFA World Cup approaches, Houston is cleaning house and undertaking significant infrastructure improvements to prepare for the influx of international visitors that will descend on the city.
The municipality is addressing issues such as non-functional freeway lighting, deteriorating buildings and outdated public amenities to ensure a welcoming environment for fans.
But just how big is the scope of the event and the required improvements?
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The city is set to host seven "Super Bowl-size" matches during the tournament, which is expected to bring in millions of fans from over 100 countries across the globe.
To prepare, Houston Public Works is prioritizing the repair of freeway lighting, particularly along Interstate 610 and U.S. Highway 59, where many lights are currently inoperative.
In internal emails, a maintenance manager at Houston Public Works noted challenges such as wire theft, a qualified labour shortage, unreported damage by unknown contractors and knocked down electrical services.
What's more, aging infrastructure and coordination with the Texas Department of Transportation for lane closures have complicated these efforts.
The city is also focusing on demolishing "blighted" and "dangerous" buildings, including the old Greyhound station at 2121 Main Street and an old hotel at 801 St. Joseph's Parkway in order to improve public safety and aesthetics.
In addition, the city is cleaning up graffiti, improving landscaping, restriping roads, fixing sidewalks and creating a new park for a month-long "fan fest" party.
Of course, all these upgrades will come at a cost.
Hosting a major world sporting event, like the FIFA World Cup, is a significant financial undertaking for any city.
For instance, the 2018 World Cup in Russia cost more than $14 billion, while the 2014 tournament in Brazil totaled approximately $11.6 billion.
More recently, Qatar spent $229 billion to host the World Cup in 2022, making it the most expensive such undertaking.
These investments often cover stadium construction, transportation upgrades and other infrastructure projects.
And while the 11 American host cities are requesting $625 million in federal funding to help finance the needed works, Houston's own cost is projected to be around $70-$80 million — on par with the projected costs for other cities.
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The potential benefits for host cities include infrastructure development, increased tourism and job creation.
For example, over the five years leading up to the 2018 World Cup in Russia, about 315,000 jobs were created annually. Workers' income increased by about $5.61 billion (450 billion rubles), and small business profits grew by nearly about $10 billion (800 billion rubles). The country also welcomed 4.2 million tourists in 2018 — 10% more than it did the previous year.
In Brazil, World Cup-related investments helped finance rapid transit projects in three of the country's largest cities: Rio de Janeiro, Belo Horizonte and Recife.
And hosting the 2026 FIFA World Cup could generate more than $5 billion in economic activity for North America. Additionally, host cities could see an estimated $160-$620 million in incremental economic activity, with 'a net benefit of approximately $90-$480 million per city after accounting for potential public costs.'
Houston officials, specifically, are anticipating over $1 billion in revenue as a result of the event.
Plus, the city could benefit from improved infrastructure and investment in the sport and its incoming athletes in the long run.
However, there are also risks such as huge costs and budget overruns (Canadian host cities Vancouver and Toronto are already citing 'substantial' increases).
Additionally, hosting such events can also lead to issues of displacement of residents (including lower-income communities), environmental concerns, questionable return on investment and underutilized facilities post-tournament.
Brazil's 12 stadiums used in the 2014 World Cup cost 50% more than planned, and just six of the 35 planned transportation projects were completed on time.
The Popular Committee for the World Cup and Olympics claimed more than 170,000 people were displaced from their Rio de Janeiro homes for games-related purposes, while Beijing was reported to clear 1.5 million people from their homes for the 2008 Olympics.
Qatar is contending with an even darker legacy, standing accused in the deaths of migrant workers associated with hosting the event.
In addition, a study by the Wesleyan Business Review highlights environmental concerns, noting that the extensive event preparations can lead to increased pollution and strain on local resources.
In fact, some cities like Minneapolis, Chicago and Glendale, Arizona withdrew their bids to host in 2026.
It's unclear what Houston's balance sheet will look like when the event has come and gone, but it's clear that it will require a lot of resources and massive upfront investments, impacting many Houstonians — whether or not they welcome the event in the first place.
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This article provides information only and should not be construed as advice. It is provided without warranty of any kind.

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Royal letters, famous golfers and rehearsed pitches: The tips and tricks to a successful Trump meeting
Royal letters, famous golfers and rehearsed pitches: The tips and tricks to a successful Trump meeting

Politico

time9 minutes ago

  • Politico

Royal letters, famous golfers and rehearsed pitches: The tips and tricks to a successful Trump meeting

British Prime Minister Keir Starmer came carrying a signed letter from the king. South African President Cyril Ramaphosa brought along two golf champs. Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney repeatedly practiced his elevator pitch ahead of his Oval Office meeting On Thursday, it's German Chancellor Friedrich Merz's turn to meet with President Donald Trump. Ahead of his first White House visit, the German press has offered some unsolicited advice: lean into their shared affinity for golf. Numerous foreign leaders have invested heavily in the choreography of a face-to-face with the U.S. president. The meetings, which U.S. officials have downplayed as 'just another world leader coming to visit,' come with huge stakes at home and abroad for those leaders. How to handle a mercurial American president prone to ambushing his guests requires unique preparation. 'How to survive your Trump meeting,' as an American lobbyist who advises foreign governments calls it, has become a cottage industry for lobbyists, consultants and national security experts in Washington. That's according to interviews with a dozen government officials, diplomats and advisers. Most of these officials were granted anonymity to speak openly about how foreign governments manage Trump. Even Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and his team prepared assiduously, hearing from key Republicans on Capitol Hill what amounted to a 'Trump 101' crash course on how to engage with the president, according to three congressional staffers and two other people briefed on the matter. That now infamous meeting went off the rails anyway — exponentially increasing the anxiety of other world leaders about taking part in Trump's newest reality show, an unscripted Oval Office get-to-know-you session featuring several Cabinet officials and playing out live before the White House press corps and broadcast instantly around the world. The Zelenskyy meeting 'was a real 'oh shit' moment for other leaders,' said one senior U.S. congressional aide familiar with the planning that went into that meeting. 'They saw this public gauntlet they'd have to run. How do I avoid the Dumpster fire Zelenskyy fell into?' Managing Trump is nothing new for foreign leaders who saw how the U.S. president operated during his first term. But the efforts to coddle a lifelong public performer, who can shift quickly from charming to contentious, have intensified since Trump took office for the second time in January, noticeably more confident and far less restrained in his approach to the job. 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What ‘China shock'? Trade didn't wreck the U.S. economy
What ‘China shock'? Trade didn't wreck the U.S. economy

Los Angeles Times

time10 minutes ago

  • Los Angeles Times

What ‘China shock'? Trade didn't wreck the U.S. economy

When Donald Trump first campaigned in 2016, he capitalized on a potent narrative: that China's rise gutted American manufacturing, leaving countless blue-collar communities devastated. Known now as the 'China shock,' that idea paved the way for a dramatic resurgence in protectionism, culminating in sweeping tariffs including Trump's controversial 'Liberation Day' duties. Yet we continue to learn just how shaky the theory's foundations are. Pioneered by economists David Autor, David Dorn and Gordon Hanson, the China shock trope suggests that American regions heavily exposed to Chinese imports suffered significantly greater job losses than did less-exposed areas. Populists seized upon it to argue that China's 2001 accession to the World Trade Organization caused millions of job losses in the U.S. and social disintegration. But a theory's easy and outsized application to policy does not settle questions about its accuracy. That's what American Enterprise Institute scholar Scott Winship wanted to determine in a recent comprehensive review that set out to prove whether the China shock reduced American manufacturing employment. By examining alternative studies and methodological adjustments, Winship contends that the negative effects of trade with China have been significantly exaggerated and that populist narratives blaming this trade for U.S. economic decline aren't supported by rigorous evidence. The originators of China shock examined how Chinese imports affected certain U.S. locales compared with others — not with the entire country — based on initial industry composition and employment size. By these metrics, areas heavily exposed to Chinese imports showed disproportionately worse manufacturing job losses. However, Winship points out that even if we accept these estimates, the findings suggest only relatively modest employment effects. To put things in perspective, Winship gives the example of two hypothetical commuting zones with 200,000 working-age residents and 20,000 manufacturing workers. Data from the theory's proponents indicate that moving from low (10th percentile) to high (90th percentile) exposure to Chinese imports would result in a loss of roughly 2,700 manufacturing jobs — just a 1.4 percentage point drop in overall manufacturing employment. While significant, this does not convincingly explain the community decline, social disruption, and populist backlash often blamed specifically on Chinese trade. In addition, Winship flags multiple methodological issues. Once other economists revised the proponents' methods, the estimated negative impact shrank dramatically. Various follow-up studies found the China shock effect on manufacturing employment to be 50% smaller than initially claimed. 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