PG&E tried to restart a battery plant over Monterey County officials' objections. It lasted less than a day
Nearly five months later and with the fire's cause still unknown, Pacific Gas & Electric began reopening an adjacent battery site on Sunday, despite objections from local officials.
But the restart — which the utility company said was needed in order to meet summer energy demands — was called off almost as soon as it began.
On Sunday, workers who 'began methodically returning the batteries to service' discovered 'a clamp failure and coolant leak' in a Tesla Megapack battery unit on site, PG&E spokesman Paul Doherty said in a statement Monday.
'Out of an abundance of caution we are deferring the facility's return to service until a later date,' Doherty said.
The situation in Moss Landing highlights some of the underlying tensions of California becoming more reliant upon renewable energy, electric vehicles and battery-powered devices.
State officials have aggressively pushed to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by switching to clean energy sources. But the Vistra blaze has prompted calls for additional safety regulations around battery storage — as well as more local control over where storage sites are located.
The Elkhorn facility — which is owned by PG&E and maintained by both the utility company and Tesla — is one of two adjacent battery energy storage systems at the Moss Landing power complex near Monterey Bay. The other is owned by Texas-based Vistra Corp. The batteries store excess energy generated during the day and release it into the power grid during times of high demand, including evening hours.
Both facilities have been offline since Jan. 16, when a Vistra-owned building containing 99,000 LG battery modules caught fire.
The Elkhorn site includes 256 stationary Tesla Megapacks — essentially shipping container-sized units filled with battery modules. The facility did not burn but automatically shut down when its safety equipment detected the fire in the Vistra building.
PG&E announced last month that it planned to restart the Elkhorn facility by June 1 because, during the summer, 'that power is necessary to effectively manage the demands of the California power grid.'
Tesla and the utility company, two PG&E vice presidents wrote in a letter to the county supervisors, 'performed extensive inspection and clean-up' at the Elkhorn site.
After the discovery of problems at the Elkhorn facility Sunday, Monterey County Supervisor Glenn Church, whose district includes Moss Landing, called it 'a good sign' that PG&E quickly paused the restart. But, he said, he still wants the utility company to wait until the fire investigations are complete to try again.
'That PG&E encountered problems as they recharged their batteries points out the volatility of this technology,' Church told The Times in an email Monday night.
In a survey of nearby residents conducted by the Monterey and Santa Cruz county health departments, 83% of respondents said they experienced at least one symptom — most commonly headaches, sore throats and coughing — shortly after the fire.
Nearly a quarter of respondents said they had trouble breathing, and 39% reported having a metallic taste in their mouth.
The survey, conducted in February and March, was completed by 1,539 people who lived or worked in the region at the time of the fire. The results were released Monday.
Jim says, 'Always tell the truth and you never have to remember what you said.'Lisa says, ''Things always look better in the morning.' My dad was a realistic pessimist so this was solid advice coming from him and, over the years, it's proved to be true in my own life.'
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Today's great photo is from Times photographer Gina Ferazzi at a Riverside track field with Abi, a transgender high school athlete who navigates a fight she never asked for.
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TechCrunch
13 minutes ago
- TechCrunch
Why investors just bet $85M on this Indian company's generic drug strategy
With over 400 million chronic patients, India is one of the world's largest medicine markets. But while most e-pharmacies chase speed, affordability remains the real challenge. Truemeds took a different route: helping patients switch to lower-cost substitutes, a bet now paying off with new funding at about four times its previous valuation. The six-year-old startup has raised $85 million in a new round that includes $65 million in primary and $20 million in secondary funding led by Accel, along with participation from Peak XV Partners. TechCrunch first reported on Accel's talks to back Truemeds last year. Existing investors WestBridge Capital and InfoEdge Ventures, also participated. The fresh round has boosted Truemeds' valuation to over $400 million, up from the $110 million in its last round two years ago. Founded in 2019, Truemeds entered the market at a time when India's online pharmacy space was already crowded with major players offering steep discounts on branded generics. But some of those companies struggled to sustain early momentum — Prosus Ventures-backed PharmEasy, for instance, saw its valuation drop from a peak of $5.6 billion to under $600 million, while 1mg was acquired by Tata Digital, part of the Tata Group. Instead of competing head-on, Truemeds' founders chose to focus on a relatively niche segment: generic medicines. 'There is no way to educate the user that you can have more affordable options if you can't afford these drugs,' said Truemeds co-founder Akshat Nayyar (pictured above, left) in an interview. 'That is where we felt that nobody in the value chain was working towards that, and we can bridge that gap.' The Mumbai-based recommends generic alternatives to consumers for the branded medicines they need. This eventually helps consumers save money, as generic drugs are typically more affordable than their branded versions due to cost efficiencies in their development process. Truemeds says its differentiated approach has paid off, with revenue growing over 66% year-over-year to ₹5 billion ($57 million) in the last financial year. The startup says it retains more than 15% of its revenue after 12 months and now serves an average of 500,000 customers each month, with a total of 3 million customers to date. Moreover, it says it now serves over 20,000 postal codes across the country, with more than 75% of its customers coming from tier-2 cities and beyond. Techcrunch event Tech and VC heavyweights join the Disrupt 2025 agenda Netflix, ElevenLabs, Wayve, Sequoia Capital, Elad Gil — just a few of the heavy hitters joining the Disrupt 2025 agenda. They're here to deliver the insights that fuel startup growth and sharpen your edge. Don't miss the 20th anniversary of TechCrunch Disrupt, and a chance to learn from the top voices in tech — grab your ticket now and save up to $600+ before prices rise. Tech and VC heavyweights join the Disrupt 2025 agenda Netflix, ElevenLabs, Wayve, Sequoia Capital — just a few of the heavy hitters joining the Disrupt 2025 agenda. They're here to deliver the insights that fuel startup growth and sharpen your edge. Don't miss the 20th anniversary of TechCrunch Disrupt, and a chance to learn from the top voices in tech — grab your ticket now and save up to $675 before prices rise. San Francisco | REGISTER NOW However, educating customers about alternatives to their prescribed medicines — and convincing them to switch from branded drugs to generics — remains a challenge. 'Because you get anchored to your prescribed brand's price, and when you suddenly see a lower price, you want to know why it is low,' Nayyar told TechCrunch. Increasing discounts while competitors cut back While today's e-pharmacies chase speed over savings, the sector's early playbook was different. Online pharmacies in India used to offer discounts of up to 25% to attract customers. However, Nayyar said this dropped to 20% and then 15% — the new average — as most burned cash to acquire new customers and pivoted to faster delivery as their main differentiator. Meanwhile, Truemeds has gone in the opposite direction, increasing its average discounts from 29% to 32% in the last 12 months. For an average user who switches brands on the platform, savings reach 47% on their medicine, says the company. This comes from Truemeds' deep procurement relationships with pharma companies, where the startup uses its technology to give manufacturers better demand visibility, helping them plan production more efficiently for upcoming quarters, he said. The startup also relies on its own logistics in some of the major cities it operates in and uses low-cost logistics partners for the rest. 'We believe that our four-hour delivery model is more than sufficient from a chronic patient's perspective,' said Nayyar. 'You're able to do more planned purchases that way, but we want to do it in the most efficient manner, and pass more and more discounts to the end user rather than [focus on] the fastest delivery for that matter.' Next up: AI-powered customization and doorstep diagnostics As Truemeds needs to convince customers to choose generics over branded medicines, it goes through deeper consultations with them. It already conducts 10-12 million consultations per year. The startup has developed an algorithm over the years that looks at various parameters to precisely suggest alternatives to the branded drugs a customer demands. It considers nuances such as whether the medicine is sugar-coated if it is for a young patient, where it is manufactured, and whether the plant is GMP-certified, among others. The startup also has a chatbot to address some user queries quickly. Much more is on the roadmap. The company plans to develop an AI-based system that customizes conversations based on customers' behavior and previous interactions with generic alternatives. It's also opening a Bengaluru office while dedicating at least 20% of its capital to engineering and product development. Beyond medicines, Truemeds is plotting to enter diagnostics through partnerships with national pathology labs, planning to pilot lab testing services in some tier-2 cities in the next three to four months. 'The primary mission remains the same, which is making healthcare affordable for the end user,' the co-founder said. 'It started with medicines. Now that the model is getting established, we are going to keep scaling that. Simultaneously, we also want to see if we can do something similar on the diagnostics front, where we can be the lowest cost provider of at least the most common tests.' The startup also plans to increase its fulfillment center count by 300% — from 19 currently — over the next 12 months, aiming to deepen its presence in existing markets. Before this round, Truemeds raised $50 million and still has 30–35% of that capital in the bank, Nayyar said. The startup has a workforce of 2,800 people, with 250 based in its Mumbai office.
New York Post
43 minutes ago
- New York Post
Trump lawyer Alan Dershowitz offered free pierogi for life after Martha's Vineyard dumpling row
Alan Dershowitz might not be able to get his pierogi fix among the woke on Martha's Vineyard, but a Florida peddler of the doughy delights is offering more than enough for the ex-Trump lawyer to fill his belly. South Florida-based Peter Nowocien, owner of PierogiOne restaurant, told The Post that no one should ever be denied the Polish comfort food staple — and pledged to send Dershowitz and his family free pierogi for life. 'Pierogi should bring people together — not divide them,' said Nowocien, a Polish immigrant who moved to the US six years ago. South Florida-based pierogi slinger Peter Nowocien has pledged to send the president's former lawyer, Alan Dershowitz, free pierogi for life after he was denied service in Martha's Vineyard. Obtained by NY Post In a highly publicized clash on Martha's Vineyard earlier this month, the 86-year-old Dershowitz — a retired Harvard Law prof and former lawyer to President Trump and Jeffrey Epstein — got into it with a local pierogi vendor who refused to sell his goodies to him. Dershowitz last week announced he is filing a discrimination suit against the West Tisbury Farmers Market where he claims he was denied service over his politics. Dershowitz's disturbing experience did not sit right with the Trump-supporting Nowocien, who grew up under Communism. 'As a Polish immigrant, I hate to hear about discrimination in the US because of people's political views,' said the 39-year-old, whose father fought against Communism. 'That shouldn't happen here. Dershowitz took to his YouTube channel last week to announcing he was filing a discrimination suit against the market he claims denied him service on the basis of his politics. Stephen Yang 'Discrimination breeds injustice.' Nowocien, a member of Trump's Mar-a-Lago retreat in Florida, insisted, 'While we may not all agree on politics, no one should be denied a pierogi — or food. This should never happen in the US.' The businessman said that while the Jewish Dershowitz may not dive into his shop's special Philly cheesesteak, spicy beef or bacon and cheddar variety pierogis, the traditional cheese and potato and mushroom and sauerkraut are classic options. 'I believe the American dream is still possible – because I'm living it,' he said. Contrasting his life growing up in the shadow of Communism to the capitalist bastion of the US, Nowocien praised the 'highest levels of personal freedom' in the US compared to Europe. 'And we must protect it. Poland has a very tough history. We know what happens when Nazis and Communists try to divide people,' he said. 'I want to bring people together through food. 'We may not all agree on politics, but no one should be denied a seat at the table.'
Yahoo
2 hours ago
- Yahoo
California took center stage in ICE raids, but other states saw more immigration arrests
Ever since federal immigration raids ramped up across California, triggering fierce protests that prompted President Trump to deploy troops to Los Angeles, the state has emerged as the symbolic battleground of the administration's deportation campaign. But even as arrests soared, California was not the epicenter of Trump's anti-immigrant project. In the first five months of Trump's second term, California lagged behind the staunchly red states of Texas and Florida in the total arrests. According to a Los Angeles Times analysis of federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement data from the Deportation Data Project, Texas reported 26,341 arrests — nearly a quarter of all ICE arrests nationally — followed by 12,982 in Florida and 8,460 in California. Even in June, when masked federal immigration agents swept through L.A., jumping out of vehicles to snatch people from bus stops, car washes and parking lots, California saw 3,391 undocumented immigrants arrested — more than Florida, but still only about half as many as Texas. When factoring in population, California drops to 27th in the nation, with 217 arrests per million residents — about a quarter of Texas' 864 arrests per million and less than half of a whole slew of states including Florida, Arkansas, Utah, Arizona, Louisiana, Oklahoma, Tennessee, Georgia, Virginia and Nevada. The data, released after a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit against the government, excludes arrests made after June 26 and lacks identifying state details in 5% of cases. Nevertheless, it provides the most detailed look yet of national ICE operations. Immigration experts say it is not surprising that California — home to the largest number of undocumented immigrants in the nation and the birthplace of the Chicano movement — lags behind Republican states in the total number of arrests or arrests as a percentage of the population. 'The numbers are secondary to the performative politics of the moment,' said Austin Kocher, a geographer and research assistant professor at Syracuse University who specializes in immigration enforcement. Part of the reason Republican-dominated states have higher arrest numbers — particularly when measured against population — is they have a longer history of working directly with ICE, and a stronger interest in collaboration. In red states from Texas to Mississippi, local law enforcement officers routinely cooperate with federal agents, either by taking on ICE duties through so-called 287(g) agreements or by identifying undocumented immigrants who are incarcerated and letting ICE into their jails and prisons. Indeed, data show that just 7% of ICE arrests made this year in California were made through the Criminal Alien Program, an initiative that requests that local law enforcement identify undocumented immigrants in federal, state and local prisons and jails. That's significantly lower than the 55% of arrests in Texas and 46% in Florida made through prisons or jails. And other conservative states with smaller populations relied on the program even more heavily: 75% of ICE arrests in Alabama and 71% in Indiana took place via prisons and jails. "State cooperation has been an important buffer in ICE arrests and ICE operations in general for years," said Ariel Ruiz Soto, a Sacramento-based senior policy analyst at the Migration Policy Institute. "We've seen that states are not only willing to cooperate with ICE, but are proactively now establishing 287(g) agreements with their local law enforcement, are naturally going to cast a wider net of enforcement in the boundaries of that state." While California considers only some criminal offenses, such as serious felonies, significant enough to share information with ICE; Texas and Florida are more likely to report offenses that may not be as severe, such as minor traffic infractions. Still, even if fewer people were arrested in California than other states, it also witnessed one of the most dramatic increases in arrests in the country. California ranked 30th in ICE arrests per million in February. By June, the state had climbed to 10th place. ICE arrested around 8,460 immigrants across California between Jan. 20 and June 26, a 212% increase compared with the five months before Trump took office. That contrasts with a 159% increase nationally for the same period. Much of ICE's activity in California was hyper-focused on Greater Los Angeles: About 60% of ICE arrests in the state took place in the seven counties in and around L.A. during Trump's first five months in office. The number of arrests in the Los Angeles area soared from 463 in January to 2,185 in June — a 372% spike, second only to New York's 432% increase. Even if California is not seeing the largest numbers of arrests, experts say, the dramatic increase in captures stands out from other places because of the lack of official cooperation and public hostility toward immigration agents. 'A smaller increase in a place that has very little cooperation is, in a way, more significant than seeing an increase in areas that have lots and lots of cooperation," Kocher said. ICE agents, Kocher said, have to work much harder to arrest immigrants in places like L.A. or California that define themselves as "sanctuary" jurisdictions and limit their cooperation with federal immigration agents. "They really had to go out of their way,' he said. Trump administration officials have long argued that sanctuary jurisdictions give them no choice but to round up people on the streets. Not long after Trump won the 2024 election and the L.A. City Council voted unanimously to block any city resources from being used for immigration enforcement, incoming border enforcement advisor Tom Homan threatened an onslaught. "If I've got to send twice as many officers to L.A. because we're not getting any assistance, then that's what we're going to do,' Homan told Newsmax. With limited cooperation from California jails, ICE agents went out into communities, rounding up people they suspected of being undocumented on street corners and at factories and farms. That shift in tactics meant that immigrants with criminal convictions no longer made up the bulk of California ICE arrests. While about 66% of immigrants arrested in the first four months of the year had criminal convictions, that percentage fell to 30% in June. The sweeping nature of the arrests drew immediate criticism as racial profiling and spawned robust community condemnation. Some immigration experts and community activists cite the organized resistance in L.A. as another reason the numbers of ICE arrests were lower in California than in Texas and even lower than dozens of states by percentage of population. 'The reason is the resistance, organized resistance: the people who literally went to war with them in Paramount, in Compton, in Bell and Huntington Park,' said Ron Gochez, a member of Unión del Barrio Los Angeles, an independent political group that patrols neighborhoods to alert residents of immigration sweeps. 'They've been chased out in the different neighborhoods where we organize," he said. "We've been able to mobilize the community to surround the agents when they come to kidnap people.' In L.A., activists patrolled the streets from 5 a.m. until 11 p.m., seven days a week, Gochez said. They faced off with ICE agents in Home Depot parking lots and at warehouses and farms. 'We were doing everything that we could to try to keep up with the intensity of the military assault,' Gochez said. 'The resistance was strong. … We've been able, on numerous occasions, to successfully defend the communities and drive them out of our community.' The protests prompted Trump to deploy the National Guard and Marines in June, with the stated purpose of protecting federal buildings and personnel. But the administration's ability to ratchet up arrests hit a roadblock on July 11. That's when a federal judge issued a temporary restraining order blocking immigration agents in Southern and Central California from targeting people based on race, language, vocation or location without reasonable suspicion that they are in the U.S. illegally. That decision was upheld last week by the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals. But on Thursday, the Trump administration petitioned the Supreme Court to lift the temporary ban on its patrols, arguing that it 'threatens to upend immigration officials' ability to enforce the immigration laws in the Central District of California by hanging the prospect of contempt over every investigative stop.' The order led to a significant drop in arrests across Los Angeles last month. But this week, federal agents carried out a series of raids at Home Depots from Westlake to Van Nuys. Trump administration officials have indicated that the July ruling and arrest slowdown do not signal a permanent change in tactics. 'Sanctuary cities are going to get exactly what they don't want: more agents in the communities and more work site enforcement,' Homan told reporters two weeks after the court blocked roving patrols. 'Why is that? Because they won't let one agent arrest one bad guy in the jail.' U.S. Border Patrol Sector Chief Gregory Bovino, who has been leading operations in California, posted a fast-moving video on X that spliced L.A. Mayor Karen Bass telling reporters that "this experiment that was practiced on the city of Los Angeles failed" with video showing him grinning. Then, as a frenetic drum and bass mix kicked in, federal agents jump out of a van and chase people. "When you're faced with opposition to law and order, what do you do?" Bovino wrote. "Improvise, adapt, and overcome!" Clearly, the Trump administration is willing to expend significant resources to make California a political battleground and test case, Ruiz Soto said. The question is, at what economic and political cost? "If they really wanted to scale up and ramp up their deportations," Ruiz Soto said, "they could go to other places, do it more more safely, more quickly and more efficiently." Sign up for Essential California for news, features and recommendations from the L.A. Times and beyond in your inbox six days a week. This story originally appeared in Los Angeles Times.
