South Africa's youth unemployment crisis: Structural inequalities and urgent solutions
Organisations speak on how the system has failed the youth as many are left jobless and have to fend for themselves.
Image: Freepik
Youth unemployment in South Africa has surged to 46.1% in the first quarter of 2025, marking a 9.2 percentage point increase over the past decade.
Oliver Meth, communications manager at Black Sash, said this is a national crisis.
'The latest Quarterly Labour Force Survey revealing an expanded unemployment rate of 56.3% among youth aged 18–34 is a devastating indictment of the country's failure to secure the future of its young people.
'This figure is not only alarmingly high, it reflects chronic structural inequality, policy inaction, and a growing disconnect between the promises of democracy and the lived reality of many young South Africans.'
Meth added: 'The government is failing its youth by underinvesting in inclusive economic development and failing to deliver on targeted, sustained, and accountable youth employment strategies. Initiatives such as the Presidential Youth Employment Intervention have been poorly coordinated, underfunded, and disconnected from grassroots realities.
'Moreover, there is insufficient political will to address corruption and inefficiency that diverts public funds from critical job-creation initiatives. The social grant system, while vital, is not being fully leveraged as a developmental tool for youth.'
Video Player is loading.
Play Video
Play
Unmute
Current Time
0:00
/
Duration
-:-
Loaded :
0%
Stream Type LIVE
Seek to live, currently behind live
LIVE
Remaining Time
-
0:00
This is a modal window.
Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window.
Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan
Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan
Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan
Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque
Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps
Reset
restore all settings to the default values Done
Close Modal Dialog
End of dialog window.
Advertisement
Video Player is loading.
Play Video
Play
Unmute
Current Time
0:00
/
Duration
-:-
Loaded :
0%
Stream Type LIVE
Seek to live, currently behind live
LIVE
Remaining Time
-
0:00
This is a modal window.
Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window.
Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan
Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan
Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan
Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque
Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps
Reset
restore all settings to the default values Done
Close Modal Dialog
End of dialog window.
Next
Stay
Close ✕
Siyabulela Monakali, spokesperson for advocacy group Ilitha Labantu, said the crisis reflects a 'structural lockout,' not a lack of education or ambition.
'This is not a skills gap. Even education no longer guarantees employment,' the organisation stated.
'Most of those affected are black youth from townships and rural areas, where access to opportunity remains severely limited.'
The organisation added that many unemployed youth have matric, TVET qualifications, or university degrees but remain outside the formal job market.
They argue that the education system continues to produce paper qualifications with little real-world value, particularly in under-resourced schools.
According to the organisation, over half of young South Africans do not complete matric. Those who do often lack digital, critical thinking, or entrepreneurial skills relevant to the modern economy.
'South Africa remains a country where your birthplace often determines your outcome,' said the organisation.
'Beyond the classroom, young people face a second layer of exclusion: limited access to mentorship, transport, the internet, and guidance on how to apply for jobs, bursaries, or skills programmes.
'Without these basics, even the best-intentioned policies remain out of reach for many.
'Without mentors, there is no one to show the way. Without training, there is no confidence to step forward. Without resources, the concept of 'opportunity' becomes abstract.'
The youth of 2025 are facing several challenges, from high unemployment rates to substance abuse.
Image: File
Ilitha Labantu also criticised the private sector, saying most companies have failed to transform their leadership and are not doing enough to create pathways for youth.
'Corporate South Africa continues to hold the country at ransom. Most companies remain white-owned, with white-dominated leadership that bears no resemblance to the nation's demographics or aspirations.'
The group said the most effective job creation sectors, care work, green energy, construction, agro-processing, digital services and creative industries, remain out of reach without proper investment and training infrastructure.
'There is high demand for skills in coding, solar installation, caregiving and data analysis, but access to this training is limited,' it said.
It called for urgent improvements to TVET colleges, including updated curricula, reliable infrastructure, and stronger links to local employers.
Ilitha Labantu drew a direct connection between unemployment and youth crime, particularly gang activity. In areas with few job prospects, gangs are often the only available source of income and belonging.
'It is easier to make R200 a day through crime than to spend six months applying for jobs that do not exist,' the group said.
The fear and distrust of law enforcement were also raised.
'For many, fear of the police rivals fear of criminals,' the group stated, calling for trauma-informed policing and collaboration with social workers and NGOs.
Long-term youth unemployment, they argue, is not just an economic issue, it is a threat to national stability.
'The longer we leave youth excluded, the more likely they will turn to alternatives that offer what the state has failed to: a sense of identity, control and power.'
Abigail Moyo, spokesperson for the trade union United Association of South Africa (UASA), also raised concerns about exclusion in government policy discussions.
Responding to President Cyril Ramaphosa's recent National Dialogue initiative, Moyo asked: 'Where are the young people who face the daily challenges of unemployment and inequality? We want to see the young unemployed youth contributing to these dialogues.'
She called for the establishment of forums that include graduates and job seekers, saying the most practical solutions often come from those directly affected.
Meanwhile, employment platform Lulaway's CEO Jake Willis said South Africa is confronting 'a national emergency that threatens the future of an entire generation'.
Lulaway has connected thousands of young job seekers to employers through a mix of technology, work readiness training, and mentorship.
Business Partners Limited, a major financier of small businesses, said the country's future may lie in youth-led entrepreneurship.
Area Manager Lawrance Ramotala said SMEs are playing a critical role in creating jobs, transferring skills, and mentoring first-time entrepreneurs.
'In many cases, SMEs are the first to take a chance on young people,' he said. 'What we're seeing is a groundswell of youth entrepreneurship rooted in community enterprise.'
Ramotala said young entrepreneurs are not just surviving, but building businesses that tackle social issues, from education to mental health. But he warned that without support, these efforts are at risk.
'It's not enough to encourage youth to start businesses. They need support to stay the course, particularly in the early stages when failures can be discouraging and resources are limited.'
He added that many young business owners are creating peer-to-peer support systems that go beyond what large companies can offer, using their platforms to share opportunities, funding, and mentorship.
'If we want to build a more inclusive, sustainable economy, we must invest in our youth, not just as jobseekers but as job creators. By backing youth entrepreneurship, we're not only building businesses, we're building futures.'
Cape Argus
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


The South African
8 hours ago
- The South African
Long time coming? DStv considering sports-only packages
While millions of South Africans continue to ditch their DStv subscriptions, Multichoice has finally acknowledged a call for it to introduce tailor-made packages, particularly sports-only ones, featuring the SuperSport group of channels. The pay-TV company has recorded a monumental revenue loss over recent years. According to social media users, this follows the company's tone-deaf approach to affordability, diversity, and demands. Following shocking news that DStv had lost 3 million subscribers in 2 years, its parent company, Multichoice, conceded that it would consider consumer demands. For many South Africans, this means picking your own packages, tailor-made to your interests. Sports-only packages featured high up on the list. MultiChoice has reported a decline in its subscriber base for the financial year ending 31 March 2025, losing nearly 1.2 million subscribers. Image: MultiChoice Multichoice Group CEO Calvo Mawela stated that the company would investigate whether unbundling SuperSport from DStv and launching a sports-only package would be a feasible option for its business model. He said this week: 'We've accelerated that project in terms of getting us to finalise which direction we're going to take in this financial year. But yes, we are considering all options as part of a broader product offering going forward'. The investigation will conclude at the end of the current financial year-end in March 2026. Currently, the SuperSport group of channels is offered on DStv's Premium package – it's most expensive – which currently costs R949. For many sports enthusiasts, 'off season' means pausing their subscriptions or cancelling them altogether. In multiple financial reports, Multichoice has acknowledged that the rising cost of living meant that 'households are struggling to make ends meet and many had no choice but to give up their DStv subscription for the time being.' Let us know by leaving a comment below, or send a WhatsApp to 060 011 021 1 . Subscribe to The South African website's newsletters and follow us on WhatsApp , Facebook , X, and Bluesky for the latest news.

IOL News
9 hours ago
- IOL News
Youth unemployment, a crisis in South Africa
Deputy President Paul Mashatile said there were 9.2 million young people in the country who were not in education, employment, or training. Image: Rowan Abrahams As South Africa marks Youth Day, the youth in the country face unemployment, violence, limited access to mental health care and inequality in education. During an address this week at the SA Youth Engagement hosted by the Harambee Youth Employment Accelerator in Johannesburg, deputy president Paul Mashatile said in South Africa, youth unemployment has reached crisis levels. "The latest Quarterly Labour Force Survey data delivered its bleakest message that the expanded youth unemployment among young people aged 18–34 years has, in the first quarter of 2025, reached one of its highest points ever at 56.3%. "This is a continuation of the downward spiral trend that began in 2015 and was only interrupted by an even steeper fall during the COVID-19 pandemic," he said. Deputy President Paul Mashatile delivering the keynote address during the SA Youth Engagement hosted by the Harambee Youth Employment Accelerator. Image: Jairus Mmutle/GCIS Mashatile said there were 9.2 million young people in the country who were not in education, employment, or training. "Even more shockingly, this number is set to increase by approximately 600 000 annually. With the economy projected to grow only at 1.8%, we must accept that the formal economy is not growing at the rate required to absorb the large number of youth entering the labour market annually. "As part of a solution to this challenge, youth who are not in employment, education, or training should consider entrepreneurship as a viable pathway for employment and self-reliance," said Mashatile. He said the government's National Development Plan: Vision 2030, places a strong emphasis on entrepreneurship and small businesses as crucial drivers of economic growth and job creation. "We need to collaborate to change the mentality of young people by bringing to light opportunities that are available for those who choose to pursue entrepreneurship. "Government offers various programmes to support young entrepreneurs, including financial assistance, business development services, and skills training. Key initiatives include the National Youth Development Agency's Grant Programme, and the Youth Challenge Fund," he said. Previn Vedan, a trustee of the Nelson Mandela Community Youth Centre, said today's youth face a convergence of crises, from rising unemployment, violence, limited access to mental healthcare, inequality in education and a digital economy that often leaves the township and rural youth behind. "But they are not without tools. They are connected, expressive, creative and if resourced, they can be unstoppable. "At the Nelson Mandela Chatsworth Youth Centre we have seen firsthand what happens when youth are not just spoken to but invested in. From skills development to sports, counselling to career guidance, the centre stands as a hub of empowerment in one of the most complex urban spaces in KwaZulu-Natal. Our mission is not charity, it is justice. And our work continues to grow because young people continue to show up," he said. Vedan, who became disabled at the age of 29, after surviving a brutal attack, said he has seen how youth with disabilities, foreign nationals, and others who live on the margins of society were often excluded from the mainstream youth agenda. "If we want a just and vibrant youth movement, we must build spaces that affirm every kind of identity and ability - from the ground up. "Government alone will not save our youth. NGOs alone will not save our youth. Even inspiration alone will not save our youth. We need a generation that stops waiting. We need young people who will claim their space, who will start something, even if it is small, who will fail forward and ask for help without shame, who will create opportunities, not just scroll through them," said Vedan.


Daily Maverick
11 hours ago
- Daily Maverick
South Africa's GNU turns one – a year of unity, friction and some green shoots
A year into South Africa's Government of National Unity, the country has learnt one thing: duct tape governance may not be elegant, but it can stick things together – at least for a while. When the Government of National Unity (GNU) was unveiled after the May 2024 election, it was hailed as a political miracle. The rand perked up. Long-term interest rates softened. Investors briefly rediscovered the word 'confidence'. President Cyril Ramaphosa managed to rebrand a shaky coalition as a 'broad-based unity project', and much of the country exhaled in cautious relief. At last, perhaps, we were entering the age of grown-up politics. Or were we? A year on, the GNU stands – just about. It's held together by mutual dependency, donor discipline and the knowledge that any party pulling the plug would likely be incinerated at the ballot box. Because although South Africans might not unreservedly love the GNU, they fear the alternative more. In the absence of performance contracts for ministers – a promise now floating in the same graveyard as 'smart cities' – South Africans are left with the GNU's founding statement of intent to judge progress. It was a maximalist document, reading less like a policy framework and more like exactly what it was: a manifesto hastily cooked up in the days of political uncertainty after the ANC's historic loss of its majority vote. It pledged rapid and inclusive economic growth, a just society, spatial redress, land reform, public service professionalism, corruption-free governance, functional state-owned enterprises, law enforcement that works, parliamentary oversight, social cohesion, nation-building, gender and racial equality, foreign policy driven by human rights, and enough job creation to absorb half a million entrants into the labour market annually. Some have said that it is not fair to judge the GNU after just a year, but it is truly startling how optimistic those aims seem now. In particular, the economy – the domain that looked most likely to reap the GNU rewards – is sending pretty dire messages. GDP growth is crawling at 0.1% in the first quarter of 2025. Unemployment has worsened, ticking up to 32.9% and the expanded definition hitting a soul-numbing 43.1%. Young South Africans, already the most disillusioned demographic, are experiencing the labour market as a doorless corridor. So much for the job-creating magic. The GNU brought with it the predictable problem of too much accommodation. Every political spouse, cousin and nephew was handed a Cabinet or deputy post, resulting in a bloated executive that still somehow lacks enough bandwidth to deliver services. In all the fanfare about new opposition ministers shaking things up, many ANC incumbents were left in peace to do what they do best: disappear. What exactly is happening in Social Development? Small Business Development? Women, Children and People with Disabilities? Before Higher Education Minister Nobuhle Nkabane went viral for her disdainful chewing performance at a recent Parliament portfolio committee meeting, how many South Africans could even have named her? Mixed signals in polls South Africans, for all their justified cynicism, have not yet given up on the GNU. A February-March Brenthurst Foundation survey showed that 57% of voters approve of it. The approval ratings for some ministries, particularly those led by opposition ministers, were sky-high. The Department of Sport, Arts and Culture, under Gayton McKenzie from the PA, scored a whopping 77% approval despite sports writers and arts figures privately praying for divine intervention. Why does McKenzie score so highly with the public despite being a xenophobic populist who racks up huge travel bills and rewards his cronies at every opportunity? Because he brings a very visible energy and vigour to his portfolio that South Africans clearly crave after years of torpidity from the same tired old ANC cadres shuffled from department to department. The same Brenthurst poll showed the DA climbing in independent support to 27% (from 22%) and the ANC inching up to 43% (from 40%) in modelled turnout scenarios. MK and the EFF – both vocal GNU critics – lost ground. Clearly, opposition from the outside isn't selling. But zoom out a little and the cracks begin to show. The Ipsos Governance Barometer, conducted just before the Brenthurst poll, told a slightly different story. Only 42% of respondents thought the GNU parties were cooperating effectively; 50% disagreed. The public romance with the GNU seems conditional. Enthusiasm has waned as tangible gains remain elusive. Fewer than 40% of those whom Ipsos polled believe the GNU will improve their lives. It's a fragile arrangement, kept upright not by conviction but by consequence. Everyone knows that if the GNU falls, so does the little investor confidence South Africa has left. The DA's donors know it too. The message to its leaders has been blunt: ideology is optional, market stability is not. At times, the GNU has resembled less a unity government and more a diplomatic hostage negotiation. Opposition ministers, particularly from the DA, were met with hostility from their ANC counterparts and those demoted from Cabinet posts. Leaks and exclusions were common, records Tony Leon in his latest book, with DA ministers not invited to key meetings or consulted on matters in their portfolios, at least initially. Yet the DA also didn't help itself. Its Cabinet members wasted little time in publicly claiming credit for various successes – some of which, the ANC insisted, were already in motion before the GNU was formed. The ANC, rooted in a collectivist culture, was deeply rankled by the DA's individualist, PR-savvy approach. In the ANC, nobody takes individual credit. (Some would say nobody takes individual blame either.) The result has been a Cabinet culture clash. In the halls of government, egos rubbed raw against differing political views, and the national project occasionally seemed to be running on spite and gritted teeth. The DA has been in court against the government of which it is part on four separate matters: the National Health Insurance Act, the Expropriation Act, the Basic Education Laws Amendment Act and the VAT increase. If a coalition government is suing itself in four directions, it is either a sign of healthy institutional checks or a dysfunctional marriage. Possibly both. Institutional gains … up to a point There is a lot of hopeful waffle evident in the rhetoric surrounding the co-governance situation. But getting down to the basics, what are the practical achievements of the GNU a year down the line? In a year of limited progress, a few achievements do stand out. The Department of Home Affairs has cleared a visa backlog that previously strangled tourism and skilled immigration, and in the DA's Leon Schreiber, it has a minister who is clearly working himself to the bone and is a bona fide public policy expert. The electricity crisis has eased slightly, though most experts attribute this more to households and businesses moving off-grid and South Africa blazing through diesel than to any particular new strategic plan. But in the all-important energy sector, there has also been some genuine movement. Minister Kgosientsho Ramokgopa has finalised long-awaited wheeling regulations, allowing the private sector to legally sell electricity to itself – finally catching up to the economic realities already playing out. He also launched a private sector transmission pilot to get new lines built where they're actually needed. Speaking of pragmatists, Public Works Minister Dean Macpherson has led a 'sort-of-ish' crackdown on the so-called construction mafia – perhaps not a scorched-earth campaign, but at least an acknowledgment of the criminal realities at play. His department deserves credit, too, for energetically identifying unused public properties to be redeployed for other purposes, such as the shelters for victims of gender-based violence planned for Mpumalanga and Gauteng. On the logistics front, Operation Vulindlela has made some strides in energy and rail reform, though the road ahead remains long. Agriculture, meanwhile, is performing minor miracles. The department, under a visibly present and competent minister in John Steenhuisen, has become one of the few from which ordinary citizens (read: farmers) get actual help from the state. Disease outbreaks in red meat and poultry have been met with responsiveness, and the sector is being hailed as one of the few that's keeping the economy upright. Police Minister Senzo Mchunu has made some missteps, but has seemed to bring a new focus to his ministry, particularly in tackling the country's alarming spate of kidnappings. There have been welcome declines in some crime categories, like murder. Environment Minister Dion George has been energetic, if sometimes overeager, settling the African penguin case prematurely, but arguably forcing progress. He's shown rare responsiveness to media and citizen concerns, particularly regarding small-scale fishers and derelict harbours. Finally, Minister of Cooperative Governance Velenkosini Hlabisa has done something no one has managed in years: publish the long-awaited white paper on restructuring municipalities. Whether it changes anything is another matter, but it's on paper – so, technically, it exists. Perhaps most seismically, the GNU-era Parliament has begun to resemble a functioning institution. In what might be its most unfamiliar role to date, it has become a site of real accountability. There have been real questions and real consequences: three Budgets rejected and then passed under proper scrutiny, the Road Accident Fund chief executive suspended, and cadre appointments to the Sector Education and Training Authority boards withdrawn after a public backlash. Long may it last. The GNU's future Ramaphosa is expected to exit the political stage by December 2027, when the ANC's next electoral conference is due to be held. His departure threatens to unravel the GNU, if it can survive another 30 months. The DA entered the GNU because of Ramaphosa's centrist appeal – as Leon's book noted, the DA made it a condition of its membership that Ramaphosa be at the helm. Once he is gone, both the DA and the ANC may lose their appetite for compromise. On the DA's side, Steenhuisen is expected to step down at the DA's 2026 conference. Word is, he'll go quietly in exchange for keeping his ministerial post, assuming it is still available to the DA. (There is a precedent for this: former FF Plus leader Pieter Groenewald stepped down from the helm of his party but retained his post as minister of correctional services.) The clear DA frontrunner to succeed Steenhuisen is Cape Town mayor Geordin Hill-Lewis. He already enjoys good relationships with ANC figures like Finance Minister Enoch Gondongwana, and the ANC is likely to view him as less polarising than Steenhuisen. But trouble for the GNU may lie ahead if Deputy President Paul Mashatile, undisputed strongman of Gauteng, takes the ANC presidency in 2027. Gauteng's ascendancy in the ANC is recent, but decisive. The Eastern Cape is riddled with factionalism and KwaZulu-Natal has been hollowed out by the MK party. The power centre has shifted north, and Mashatile sits firmly atop it. Whether he becomes the nation's next president in 2029 is another matter. A lot can happen in four years, and in South Africa, it usually does. But a Mashatile-led GNU would be unlikely to peacefully include the DA: of all the ANC leaders, he has been the most outspokenin criticising the DA's lack of cooperation on matters such as the Budget. Hopes and headaches The GNU has delivered a fragile stability. It has stemmed some of the bleeding. It has offered voters a break from ideological trench warfare. It has even, on occasion, hinted at what functional coalition politics might look like. That is not enough, as the economic markers show. This week, Ramaphosa announced a national convention to discuss a National Dialogue: a talkshop moderated by sundry celebrities and former ANC cadres that will encourage South Africans to discuss the state of the nation. The response from citizens seemed to amount to an eyeroll, along with the sentiment that what South Africa really needs is jobs, not more dialogues. And yet, for all its dysfunction, the GNU has revealed something unexpected: South Africans may not trust politicians, but they still believe in the idea of cooperation. In a country long defined by polarisation, the mere existence of the GNU remains a psychological balm – a reminder that compromise, however begrudging, is possible. The past year has proved that the political centre can hold, but only just. Whether it can do more than hold – whether it can lead, reform, build – is still in question. One thing is clear: South Africa cannot afford another year of symbolic unity without structural change. The GNU's second act must be about delivery, not just diplomacy. Otherwise, unity will collapse under the weight of its own emptiness – and take the country with it. A reminder of what the GNU promised in its statement of intent Rapid, inclusive and sustainable economic growth, the promotion of fixed capital investment and industrialisation, job creation, transformation, livelihood support, land reform, infrastructure development, structural reforms and transformational change, fiscal sustainability, and the sustainable use of our national resources and endowments. Macroeconomic management must support national development goals in a sustainable manner. Creating a more just society by tackling poverty, spatial inequalities, food security and the high cost of living, providing a social safety net, improving access to and the quality of, basic services, and protecting workers' rights. Stabilising local government, effective cooperative governance, the assignment of appropriate responsibilities to different spheres of government and review of the role of traditional leadership in the governance framework. Investing in people through education, skills development and affordable, quality healthcare. Building state capacity and creating a professional, merit-based, corruption-free and developmental public service. Restructuring and improving state-owned entities to meet national development goals. Strengthening law enforcement agencies to address crime, corruption and gender-based violence, and strengthening national security capabilities. Strengthening the effectiveness of Parliament in respect of its legislative and oversight functions. Strengthening social cohesion, nation-building and democratic participation, and undertaking programmes against racism, sexism, tribalism and other forms of intolerance. Foreign policy based on human rights, constitutionalism, the national interest, solidarity and peaceful resolution of conflicts to achieve the African Agenda 2063, South-South, North-South and African cooperation, multilateralism and a just, peaceful and equitable world. DM