Anwar succeeds in halting civil sexual assault suit filed by Yusoff Rawther
A three-member Court of Appeal panel led by Datuk Supang Lian ruled that this was due to special circumstances, as a stay should be granted to preserve the integrity of the appeal.
Anwar's application to stay trial proceedings came after Kuala Lumpur High Court judge Roz Mawar Rozain rejected his bid to refer eight constitutional questions to the Federal Court on the immunity of a prime minister from a civil suit.
Roz Mawar, in her decision, ruled that Anwar's referral application on the eight constitutional questions was speculative and did not meet the requirements under Section 84 of the Courts of Judicature Act.
Anwar had sought the apex court to rule whether Articles 5,8,39,40 and 43 of the Federal Constitution grant him qualified immunity from Yusoff's suit.
He had asked the court to decide whether Yusoff's suit would impair the effective discharge of his executive duties and undermine the constitutional separation of powers.
Anwar had also requested the court to consider whether the lawsuit impacts his ability to carry out executive duties and undermines the principle of separation of powers guaranteed by the Constitution.
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The Star
37 minutes ago
- The Star
Editorial: Asean diplomacy delivers triumphantly
Working towards peace: Anwar with Malaysia's Foreign Minister Datuk Seri Mohamad Hasan (left) at the ceasefire meeting. The groundwork for that had already been laid by a closed door gathering among foreign ministers last month arranged by Mohamad. — IZZUDIN ABD RAZAK/Prime Minister's Office THE ceasefire between Thailand and Cambodia, brokered by Malaysian Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim after nearly a week of armed hostilities along their shared border, is a welcome development for a region desperate to hold onto its stability. We commend Anwar, this year's Asean Chair, for acting swiftly to bring the two sides together to reach an agreement in Putrajaya last Monday. Hundreds of thousands had fled their homes and dozens had died. That the guns have now fallen silent is no small achievement. It was, in Anwar's own words in Jakarta a day later, a 'triumph for all of Asean'. Indeed, the outcome is a reminder of what personal diplomacy can accomplish where institutional mechanisms fall short. No Asean conflict resolution frameworks were invoked; there was no shuttle diplomacy by the Asean Chair's special envoy; no invocation of the High Council under the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation. Instead, it was Anwar's relationships, including longstanding ties to both Hun Sen in Cambodia and Thaksin Shinawatra's faction in Thailand, that made the difference. As Chair of Asean, it was within his prerogative to act, and act he did. We do not view this as a failure of Asean, but rather as an opportunity to reflect on the limits of our current instruments. As a community, Asean must not let its cohesion depend solely on interpersonal familiarity among elites. The next crisis may not afford us such good fortune. It is our hope that Asean leaders take stock of this episode and commit to strengthening the region's formal dispute settlement architecture; not merely to avoid conflict, but to deepen our sense of shared responsibility. Asean's credibility depends on peace among its members. When neighbours go to war, even briefly, the region's attractiveness to investors suffers, and our centrality in the Indo-Pacific order is thrown into question. Yet even as we mark this diplomatic breakthrough, the challenges ahead remain daunting. Reports emerged barely 24 hours after the ceasefire went into effect that both sides had already accused each other of fresh violations. This is, sadly, to be expected. Armies act according to their own logic. It is precisely why we should not entrust the burden of peace to soldiers alone. What we need is a lasting political commitment, supported by trusted civilian institutions, to make peace not just possible, but permanent. The fragility of the current truce speaks to a broader global trend. As one analyst noted in a recent commentary in The Diplomat, we appear to be living in an 'age of ceasefires', a time when conflicts are paused, not resolved, and diplomacy seeks to contain rather than to transform. The war in Ukraine, the unfathomable violence in Gaza, and now the clashes in our own backyard, have all fallen into this pattern. The Financial Times, writing on the neighbourly conflict, described it as a symptom of structural failure: A lack of shared norms, functional forums, and enforceable rules. Certainly, the structures are there; they are merely left unenforced. If we in Asean accept this trend as inevitable, we will only ever reach for the lowest common denominator in moments of crisis. We will settle for fragile pauses instead of forging durable peace. This would be a disservice to the generations who built Asean on the promise of mutual respect, non-violence, and shared prosperity. Let us not squander that legacy. Let us use this ceasefire, not as an endpoint, but as a chance to recommit to a regional order anchored in principles, not personalities. Only then can Asean truly claim to be a community, not just of governments, but of peoples. — The Jakarta Post/ANN
The Star
42 minutes ago
- The Star
Diplomacy and the honest broker
IT was a triumphant moment for Malaysia on Monday after a ceasefire deal between Cambodia and Thailand was reached. Accolades came from all over the world as Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim announced the deal before clasping the hands of his Cambodian and Thai counterparts in front of the world's press and on live TV. What many are unaware of is that there had been a behind-the-scenes and very hush-hush meeting that took place a few weeks before this diplomatic breakthrough hosted by Anwar. Looking back, this incident reflects the Asean way of dealing with issues: with a lot of respect and much tact among all parties involved. The meeting would not have taken place if the two countries had not trusted Malaysia. At one point, cold feet could have derailed everything had it not been for Malaysia treating the matter with a lot of sensitivity and understanding. It was during the 58th Asean Ministerial Meeting in Kuala Lumpur in early July that Foreign Minister Datuk Seri Mohamad Hasan, concerned by developments at Thai-Cambodian borders, decided to approach his two counterparts, Thailand's Maris Sangiampongsa and Cambodia's Prak Sokhonn. The simmering dispute had already killed dozens of people and displaced more than 270,000 from both sides of the border. 'As a neighbour and Chair of Asean, I don't want to see my two good friends not talking to each other and felt it was my duty to put them together in the same room. It is as simple as that,' Mohamad told this columnist. 'I told them, let's have coffee in my room and put our heads together. They came and left through different doors. 'Such a meeting needs to be conducted away from others, we had to keep it quiet because we had to be really sensitive about a very fragile situation. 'They needed to inform their leaders afterwards. Both of them expressed their appreciation for our initiative. 'That started the ball rolling for the leaders' meeting in Malaysia on Monday,' Mohamad added. Anwar was briefed every step of the way. Following the foreign ministers' meeting, it was Anwar's turn to convince Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet and acting Thai Prime Minister Phumtham Wechayachai to come to Malaysia, urging them to find a peaceful solution and agree to a ceasefire. One officer said the diplomatic effort is best described as Malaysia being an honest broker: 'Malaysia has no hidden agenda in doing this work. Both parties know this. 'Tok Mat is a blunt and straight-talking person. He met them privately and made them feel comfortable. There is trust, and protecting the trust in the whole process. 'This is the way we deal with issues. It is like you deal with your family members. You don't shame them out there, you deal with the issues in the privacy and comfort of your own environment, behind closed doors. 'The most important thing is to make everybody feel comfortable so that they have trust in Malay-sia. This is our strength. They want to keep it within the family because they trust us and we can be an honest broker unlike any other parties,' said the official. Anwar also made full use of his own channel of communications with the two leaders and consulted other Asean leaders in the past weeks. 'Malaysia is close to Cambodia and Thailand. The Prime Minister has a direct communications advantage and, of course, Malay-sia is the current Asean Chair. 'Without his personal intervention and his leadership, the meeting might not have taken place. He did his homework and also did not sideline other Asean leaders,' said another diplomat. Wisma Putra and other agencies were working behind closed doors in preparation for last Monday's meeting at the Prime Minister's official residence, Seri Perdana. The Cambodian and Thai leaders were ushered into the meeting room. China and the US sent representatives too. The presence of the envoys from the two superpowers called for a delicate diplomatic balancing act in managing relations. Malaysia and Asean could not ignore US President Donald Trump's role in calling for the two sides to end the conflict – Trump said he told the two leaders that negotiations to reduce tariffs would not proceed until 'the fighting stops'. And China was there because it is Asean's immediate neighbour and plays an important role in this region where Asean needs to be neutral. Initially the US wanted to co-host the meeting but the Malaysian government was firm in only allowing the US to be the co-organiser instead. The official joint statement clearly indicated the meeting was co-organised by the US with the active participation of China 'to promote a peaceful resolution to the ongoing situation'. Their representatives were invited to speak and gave short statements. The mood at the meeting was conciliatory. Everybody was on the same page. Through their statements it was obvious the Cambodian and Thai leaders wanted the conflict to end. Both countries were losing economically as tourism numbers and border trade declined. 'They had the desire to end it, and those were the vibes as they entered the room. The whole world was watching them and they knew they needed to show some positive development,' said an observer. What's next? The General Border Committee (GBC) meeting, initially to take place in Phnom Penh, is set to convene in Kuala Lumpur tomorrow. Mohamad said the ceasefire modality must be decided quickly. Brunei, Indonesia, the Philippines, and Singapore have agreed to participate as military observers. 'This will be Asean-led. We are not sending troops but we will have observers at the borders,' he explained. The Malaysian Armed Forces issued a statement yesterday saying that the GBC meeting will take place between Aug 4 and 7. 'Malaysia is the neutral venue chosen mutually by Thailand and Cambodia. The terms of reference for the deployment of defence attaches as the interim team and the deployment of an Asean monitoring group will be part of the GBC's agenda,' said the statement. Malaysia, of course, wants this meeting to be successful, bearing in mind its responsibility as Asean Chair. It will be a long-drawn out process as mediating a protracted border dispute is always a delicate matter. Malaysia is recognised as a good broker and has experience in resolving and mediating conflicts in the past, such as in the southern regions of the Philippines and Thailand. It is now leveraging its diplomatic ties to facilitate dialogues to ensure the region remains peaceful. This is not about who gets nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize. It is about achieving peace in the region and saving the lives of innocent people.
Malay Mail
42 minutes ago
- Malay Mail
How has ‘world's coolest dictator' Bukele consolidated power?
SAN SALVADOR, Aug 3 — El Salvador has abruptly changed its constitution to remove term limits, paving the way for self-styled 'world's coolest dictator,' Nayib Bukele, to run for an unprecedented third term. So how did the 44-year-old leader secure such sweeping reforms in just hours and with almost no opposition? And how has he achieved such an iron grip on power after just six years in office? Taking an opening When Bukele burst onto the political scene, Salvadorans were already fed up with the traditional parties of the right and left, particularly with their inability to stop poverty and rampant gang violence. 'The gangs extorted everyone. People were already tired and disappointed by previous governments,' explained political analyst Ricardo Navarro. 'That allowed him to win in 2019' with 52 percent of the votes, said Navarro, adding: 'There was exhaustion.' The Mara Salvatrucha and Barrio 18 gangs once controlled an estimated 80 percent of the country, and El Salvador had one of the highest homicide rates in the world. Bukele's security policies, which included jailing tens of thousands of people — often with little in the way of due process — led to a steep drop in murder rates. Some suspect that the young leader, despite his hardline rhetoric, also benefited from a secret pact with some of the gangs. An investigation by the digital newspaper El Faro claimed that in exchange for money and benefits for imprisoned leaders, the gangs reduced violence and rallied votes for him. Master of Congress Bukele faced a hostile legislature when he came to power, so he sent in the army. In 2020, during a debate about a loan to pay for his security policies, he lined the floor of the assembly with armed police and soldiers. It was a theatrical gesture, and an unsubtle warning to lawmakers, according to Celia Medrano, a human rights specialist. 'It was the clearest possible expression of the militarisation of politics,' she said. Opposition Arena Deputy Marcela Villatoro holds a sign that reads 'Democracy died today' during a Congress plenary session in San Salvador July 31, 2025. — AFP pic With the help of a well-oiled media machine, by 2021, Bukele's party won the majority in Congress, enabling him to change judges and prosecutors who opposed him. From then on, everything changed. 'He has eliminated political opposition through a combination of legal manoeuvres, military intimidation, control of the media, and popular policies like gang repression,' according to the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA). State of emergency After a reported 87 murders in one weekend, Bukele imposed a state of emergency in 2022. About 88,000 people accused of being gang members or accomplices were arrested. 'That allowed him to increase popularity and at the same time establish a kind of threat to anyone who criticises or dares to dissent,' Juan Pappier, deputy director of Human Rights Watch, told AFP. The policies were popular, despite widespread allegations of arbitrary detention and hundreds of reported prison deaths. According to a June survey conducted by the opinion institute at Central American University (UCA), 59.7 per cent of Salvadorans believe the state of emergency should continue. But according to Medrano, speaking about popularity in a country where six out of ten Salvadorans express fear of sharing their opinion is a 'fiction.' Ballot box At the height of his popularity, Bukele was re-elected in February 2024 with 85 per cent of the vote, crushing the opposition and achieving near-total dominance over state institutions. Even though reelection was prohibited in the Constitution, judges from the Supreme Court's Constitutional Chamber — appointed by his party — interpreted the law to allow his candidacy. 'This is where years of gradual constitutional manipulation lead to the dismantling of democracy. By capturing institutions, silencing critics, and rewriting the Constitution, he has created an authoritarian electoral system,' WOLA said. Last year, Congress changed the way the Constitution can be reformed so that it could be done quickly, as what happened on Thursday when term limits were lifted without warning. Friends in high places US President Donald Trump's return to power gave Bukele a new boost. 'Bukele is taking several measures now because he knows Trump will not set limits and is fully willing to turn a blind eye to the destruction of Salvadoran democracy,' said Pappier. Bukele's loyalty to the US president was sealed when he kept 252 Venezuelans deported by Washington imprisoned for four months. 'He feels somewhat shielded by his association with the US president,' said Noah Bullock, director of Cristosal, a rights NGO that has been forced to leave the country. Emboldened by his embrace of Trump, Bukele recently detained prominent human rights defenders. Dozens of activists and organisations, such as Cristosal, have had to go into exile. — AFP
