Texas bail reform, tariff turmoil, and possible THC ban: TWITP
The Brief
Greg Abbott's bail reform plan, Trump's tariffs, and a possible THC ban
These are some of the hot topics in This Week in Texas Politics
AUSTIN, Texas - Members of the Texas House held a rare Friday session on May 2 in order to push out more bills before the session ends June 2.
The frantic activity at the Texas Capitol is one of the many stories in This Week in Texas Politics.
FOX 7 Austin's chief political reporter Rudy Koski and our panel of analysts discussed the big stories from This Week in Texas Politics.
What they're saying
RUDY KOSKI: It has been a barn burner of a week this week in Texas politics. Let's get the headlines from our panel, and we'll start first with Patrick Svitek with the Washington Post. Patrick, what's your headline for the week?
PATRICK SVITEK: School vouchers, or school choice, as supporters call it has finally come into Texas after a very long political battle.
RUDY KOSKI: Brad Johnson with the Texan News. Brad, what's your headline for the week?
BRAD JOHNSON: It's crunch time in the Texas Legislature.
RUDY KOSKI: And business analyst, Annie Spilman, what is your headline of the week.
ANNIE SPILMAN: One month in legislative session.
RUDY KOSKI: Governor Greg Abbott spent much of the week, teeing up, trying to free up his bail reform idea. House Democrats reportedly have it all locked down for the time being as payback for the passage of school choice. Brad, could a deal be hatched in the back room? Do you feel something's happening?
BRAD JOHNSON: There are definitely negotiations going on. You know, there are Democratic members that are whipping votes, trying to get enough support for this, contingent upon them getting some sort of deal in exchange for something else or deal on the bail amendment itself.
RUDY KOSKI: The new Lyceum poll came out this week with the top three issues being immigration, the rising problem with prices, inflation and border security. The poll showed an improvement in how people view their economic situation. Annie, I think that that has a lot to do with the lower gas prices right now.
ANNIE SPILMAN: Listen, for small businesses in particular, uncertainty is so crippling. It's the enemy of entrepreneurship. It's a scary time right now.
RUDY KOSKI: Well, the online verbal boxing match continued this week between Senator John Cornyn and his party rival, Ken Paxton. Meanwhile, fellow Republican Congressman Wesley Hunt continues to flirt with the idea of running for Cornyn's seat. What's going on with Wesley Hunt?
PATRICK SVITEK: Yeah, Hunt and his allies politically are definitely trying to keep his options open in the context of this current Senate race. I think to them, they look at him as a solution to this kind of complex political puzzle you have here.
RUDY KOSKI: Election reform certainly is a hot topic under the Capitol Dome. A bill by former Speaker Dade Phelan that cracks down on deep fake political ads move forward. Brad, his detractors, tried to claim that this bill was all about squelching free speech, going after nasty memes.
BRAD JOHNSON: Now there is a question about how the bill's current makeup and how broad it is and if it would encompass anyone who posted a meme and then spent money to boost it on social media. I think that's a fair question.
RUDY KOSKI: Lieutenant Governor Dan Patrick was in Washington D.C. On Thursday. President Trump has picked him to head up a commission on religious liberty. This comes after the House had a marathon hearing here in Austin that included a bill allowing the posting of the Ten Commandments in classrooms.
ANNIE SPILMAN: Unfortunately, these issues have now sort of taken over a lot of the time. It's burning up the clock and some of the real policy issues that we need to get done we might not get done and in Texas we have to wait another two years.
RUDY KOSKI: An interesting compromise in the works at the state capital regarding THC products. Lieutenant Governor Dan Patrick wants to ban most of those products. Business groups want to say hang on, there are some ways, let's just regulate them.
BRAD JOHNSON: Lot of wrinkles to that, questions about whether it can even survive on the House floor with parliamentary rules and points of order.
ANNIE SPILMAN: From what I've been told, this is sort of a workaround ban. We're not completely done. There's still language that could be worked on the House floor. They still potentially could go to a conference committee.
PATRICK SVITEK: Big picture politically. I do think it is this debate over THC in Texas is a little bit of a re-emergence of that social conservatism. Social conservatist has kind of been, I would argue, a little on the decline in the Trump era, just given that Trump, if not in his policies, in his style, isn't exactly a moral crusader.
RUDY KOSKI: You can watch this full discussion on the Fox 7 YouTube page, but let's wrap up this discussion with one word for the week, and Patrick, we'll begin with you. What's your word for this week?
PATRICK SVITEK: Tariffs, because it was top of mind from the last conversation.
BRAD JOHNSON: Well, it's two, but one month.
ANNIE SPILMAN: It wouldn't describe this week, but I'd be hopeful for, Compromise.
RUDY KOSKI: And that is This Week in Texas Politics.
The Source
Information from interviews conducted by FOX 7 Austin's Rudy Koski
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
22 minutes ago
- Yahoo
The Democrats Have an Authenticity Gap
The Atlantic Daily, a newsletter that guides you through the biggest stories of the day, helps you discover new ideas, and recommends the best in culture. Sign up for it here. Since President Donald Trump's victory last fall, Democrats have been trying to reengage with male voters, find a 'Joe Rogan of the left,' and even fund a whole left-leaning 'manosphere.' Young men—Rogan's core audience—were among the voting blocs that definitively moved toward the GOP in 2024, as a comprehensive postmortem by the data firm Catalist recently illustrated. In response, many powerful liberal figures have obsessively returned to the same idea: If we can't compete with their influential manosphere, why not construct our own? One high-profile progressive group, the Speaking With American Men project, is embarking on a two-year, $20 million mission to build 'year-round engagement in online and offline spaces Democrats have long ignored—investing in creators, trusted messengers, and upstream cultural content,' though its leaders say they're not looking for a liberal Rogan. Another effort, AND Media (AND being an acronym for 'Achieve Narrative Dominance'), has raised $7 million and, according to The New York Times, is looking to amass many times that amount over the next four years to back voices that will break with 'the current didactic, hall monitor style of Democratic politics that turns off younger audiences.' But in recent conversations with people in all corners of Democratic politics—far-left Bernie bros, seasoned centrists of the D.C. establishment, and rising new voices in progressive media—I came away with the sense that Democrats don't have simply a podcast-dude issue, one that could be solved with fresh money, new YouTube channels, and a bunch of studio mics. The party has struggled to capitalize on Trump's second-term missteps. It has yet to settle on a unifying message or vision of the future. Given this absence, such a tactical, top-down fix as deputizing a liberal Rogan looks tempting. The big problem is: That fix is both improbable and illogical. [Read: Democrats have a man problem] The party's 'podcast problem' is a microcosm of a much larger likability issue. 'We are a little bit, you know, too front-of-the-classroom,' Jon Lovett, a former Obama speechwriter and a co-host of Pod Save America, told me. In a sense, the show's production company, Crooked Media, already tested the 'make your own media ecosystem' proposition: Five years after its independent founding in 2017, Crooked announced that it had received funding from an investment firm run by the Democratic megadonor George Soros. Lovett seemed less skeptical of the new initiatives than other Democrats I interviewed, but also acknowledged some limitations. 'We believe how important it is to invest in progressive media,' Lovett told me. 'But in the same way you can't strategize ways to be authentic, you can't buy organic support.' The limits of this approach have already become clear. 'If you're trying to identify and cultivate and create this idea of a 'liberal Joe Rogan,' by definition, you're manufacturing something that's not authentic,' Brendan McPhillips, who served as campaign manager during John Fetterman's successful Pennsylvania Senate bid in 2022, told me. 'This fucking insane goose chase that these elite donors want to pursue to create some liberal oasis of new media is just really harebrained and misguided.' Joe Rogan, Theo Von, and other prominent voices in the existing manosphere are not inherently political and, even when they do touch politics, don't adhere to GOP or conservative orthodoxy. Although Rogan and Von did attend Trump's second inauguration, both have also been enamored with Senator Bernie Sanders, of Vermont; and recently, Von delivered an emotional monologue about the destruction in Gaza, drawing ire from many of his listeners on the right. In short, these guys are guided not by ideology, but by their own curiosity and gut instinct. Fluidity in belief is central to their appeal, and helps explain their cross-party success. Their audiences also blossomed over time, not after the stroke of a donor's pen. Throughout my interviews, I heard constant lamentations over the inescapable 'D.C. speak' in both Democratic politics and the left-leaning press. 'Normal people aren't out here talking about and paying attention to the kind of things that tie senior Democratic strategists up in knots,' McPhillips, who lives in Philadelphia, told me. You can't read white papers and study what goes on in the states from afar, he argued; you have to be there at eye level, living among real people, talking like a real person. What politicians have been advised to do for decades—stick to short cable-news hits, repeat the same few points over and over—are habits that today's voters find, in the words of a senior official who worked both in the Joe Biden White House and on the Kamala Harris campaign, 'repulsive.' Although this person, who asked for anonymity in order to speak freely about party strategy, discounted the premise of finding a 'Rogan of the left' as a fool's errand, they did say that, from now through 2028, Democrats should try to infiltrate sports-focused podcasts, paying particular attention to YouTube. This operative has come to view the current moment less as center-left versus center-right, and more as a larger battle of institutionalists versus anti-institutionalists: 'The psyche of a liberal in this moment is institution defense.' Also: fear. Too many Democrats, they believe, approach every public conversation and media interview with a level of trepidation about what they're saying—not in fear of Trump, but in fear of the wrath of their own potential voters. During her 2024 campaign, Harris reportedly feared the potential blowback within her own team from sitting down with Rogan. 'There was a backlash with some of our progressive staff that didn't want her to be on' his show, Jennifer Palmieri, who advised the second gentleman Doug Emhoff, said a week after the election. (Palmieri later revised her comments.) This year, some progressives have found a way to break through. Former Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who's proved capable of acing a hostile Fox News interview, has now grown facial scruff and has been popping up on the podcast circuit. Several Democrats I spoke with praised both Buttigieg's recent media tour—his appearance on the brash bro show Flagrant was singled out—and Sanders's ability to win over certain manosphere hosts. 'They're able to do that because they have the confidence and the skill to go on a program like that and just be themselves, and people believe what they say because they're being honest,' McPhillips told me. On the Fighting Oligarchy Tour, and in his frequent podcast appearances, Sanders has positioned himself as an accessible and righteously angry force. Faiz Shakir, Sanders's 2020 campaign manager and now an adviser to the senator, told me that Democrats 'are too far removed from organic and interesting conversations that people want to hear about, and have become too reliant on a one-way push at people about the things we want to tell them,' rather than actually listening to voters. Although he himself is a Harvard alumnus who lives and works in D.C., Shakir criticized the Democratic Party's perpetually buttoned-up ethos, the opposite of an unstructured podcast hang. He spoke about the power of anger—the defining emotion of the past political decade—as something that many Democrats don't know how to wield effectively. 'If you're angry, you're uncouth,' Shakir said. 'Calm down! That's not professional!' Unless Democrats stop worrying about politely conforming to pre-Trump communication mores, he believes the chasm with voters will continue to exist, hypothetical new-media ecosystem be damned. [John Hendrickson: Jake and Logan Paul hit the limits of the manosphere] Two things can be true at the same time: Many centrist Democrats may be too timid or genteel, and lack the moxie to speak with the anger that resonates with voters. But the cause of men's alienation from liberal politics cannot be distilled simply into perceptions of gentility. Nor is voicing rage a plausible way to hack the manosphere. When it comes to podcasts—the medium of the moment—a different emotion reigns: curiosity. Hosts such as Rogan and Von succeed across party lines not because they're indignant, but because they're inquisitive and, crucially, persuadable. Their talent is to seem real and relatable without trying. Throughout my conversations, I asked why liberals have not organically produced a figure of Rogan's magnitude and influence. No one really had an answer. But one thing became abundantly clear: No amount of strategic parsing will let Democrats fake their way through this moment. You can't buy authentic communication. Article originally published at The Atlantic


San Francisco Chronicle
25 minutes ago
- San Francisco Chronicle
Americans still have faith in local news − but few are willing to pay for it
(The Conversation is an independent and nonprofit source of news, analysis and commentary from academic experts.) Jennifer Hoewe, Purdue University (THE CONVERSATION) Many Americans say they have lost trust in national news – but most still believe they can rely on the accuracy of local news. In 2023, trust in national newspapers, TV and radio reached historic lows. Just 32% of Americans said they have a 'great deal' or 'fair amount' of trust in these news sources. In 1976, by comparison, 72% of Americans said they had a 'great deal' or 'fair amount' of trust in mass media, including newspapers, TV and radio. And in 2021, the United States ranked last among 46 countries in the trust citizens placed in news outlets. Yet even as the local news industry is declining in the U.S. – more than 3,200 local and regional newspapers have closed since 2005 – Americans still place much more trust in local news than they do in national news. In 2024, 74% of Americans said they had 'a lot of' or 'some' trust in their local news organizations, and 85% believed their local news outlets are at least somewhat important to their community. I am a former local journalist who studies the effects that media content can have on people. Local news can help people understand what their local government is doing, stay aware of day-to-day events, such as local weather, traffic, sports, schools and crime, and even feel a greater sense of community. The decline of local news News organizations in the U.S. have long relied on commercial business practices – such as advertising from companies and subscriptions from readers – that have not been financially sustainable since the mid-2000s. Newspapers' advertising revenue peaked around 2005 and has since rapidly declined from more than $49 billion a year in 2005 to less than $10 billion in 2020, according to the Pew Research Center. This drop was driven by the rise of the internet. As a result, the U.S. has lost more than a third of its local and regional newspapers since 2004. Of the local newspapers that remain, 80% are weeklies, as opposed to the daily local newspapers that were more common in the past. With fewer reporters and editors who closely follow the ins and outs of local and state issues, local newspapers are now less able to hold state and local government officials accountable for their actions. Americans also read local newspapers less than they once did. Since 2015, print and digital circulation numbers have dropped 40% for weekday news editions and 45% for Sunday editions among locally focused daily newspapers and their websites. Instead, a larger percentage of Americans now turn to their family members, friends and neighbors than their local news outlets for local news. Despite local news' problems with declining revenue and readership, Americans still trust local news – and this trust crosses partisan lines. A 2024 Pew Research Center survey found that both Republicans and Democrats think local journalists are in touch with their local communities. The majority of Democrats and Republicans in this survey agreed that local news media 'report news accurately,' 'are transparent about their reporting,' 'cover the most important stories/issues' and 'keep an eye on local political leaders.' This might be because local newspapers can focus on issues people encounter in their day-to-day lives rather than on national politics. In many cases, readers are also able to more easily connect with local journalists in their communities and share story ideas or feedback. People learn about their elected officials and become more informed about local issues from their local news, making it an important component of developing a well-informed public. The current local news environment When people no longer have access to local news sources, or they stop following local news coverage, their faith in the integrity of local elections decreases, their ability to assess elected officials is worse, and voter turnout is lower in local elections, compared with those who do follow, read, watch or listen to local news. Some Americans started relying more heavily on national news when local newspapers shut down, which research shows led to increases in political polarization. My research found that when people trust a partisan-leaning national news source, for example, they're very likely to agree with the partisan-slanted news stories published by that source. As nonpartisan local newspapers have vanished or downsized, partisan-leaning online local news content has cropped up over the past several years. These sites publish news stories that are focused on local issues but approach it with a partisan bent. As a result, people looking for local news information may take in unreliable information that is presented as local news and interpret it as trustworthy. Verifying the origins and intentions of information continues to be paramount for news consumers to make sure they are receiving accurate information – including when it comes to local news.


CNBC
34 minutes ago
- CNBC
Sen. Rick Scott on GOP reconciliation bill: We have to live within our means
Sen. Rick Scott (R-Fla.) joins 'Squawk Box' to discuss the state of the budget battle in the Senate, fate of the Republican reconciliation package, finding wasteful spending, reforming Medicaid, immigration protests in L.A., and more.