logo
Crystal Palace at CAS: What could club argue as they try to win back Europa League spot?

Crystal Palace at CAS: What could club argue as they try to win back Europa League spot?

New York Times3 days ago
Common sense would suggest that confirmation of John Textor's exit from Crystal Palace should resolve the issues around the Premier League club's connection to French side Lyon. After all, the American investor has now both sold his Palace stake and left all positions of authority at Lyon.
Unfortunately, one person's common sense is another's opinion — fun to debate, but not the best foundations for a cross-border sports competition involving huge prizes.
Advertisement
To do that, you are better off with a set of written rules which are fair, proportionate, transparent and well-drafted. If they are not, well, that's why we invented lawyers.
This is where Palace find themselves: denied entrance to the Europa League, the competition they qualified for by winning last season's FA Cup, and effectively demoted to the third-tier Conference League for breaching European football governing body UEFA's multi-club ownership (MCO) rules.
And so Palace are taking their case to the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS), asking the so-called 'supreme court' of worldwide athletic endeavour to overturn UEFA's decision.
Palace have also named Nottingham Forest and Lyon in their appeal, as their fellow Premier League side have been elevated from the Conference League to the second-tier Europa League at their expense, while their disputed stablemates from Ligue 1 have been left in the Europa League, as their higher domestic league finish of the two sides trumps winning the FA Cup.
Steve Parish, Palace's chairman, will not mind which of those clubs CAS demotes, as long as what he views as the 'terrible injustice' of his team being removed from the Europa League is reversed. He believes he must take this fight on for Palace's players, staff and fans, as well as others who might find themselves in this position one day. And he clearly thinks this would not happen to a bigger, established side, so there is an 'us versus them' element to his crusade.
Having said all that, how could Palace go about persuading CAS?
It was then International Olympic Committee (IOC) president Juan Antonio Samaranch who first realised global sport needed an in-house method for washing dirty linen, as the regular courts are expensive, potentially embarrassing and painfully slow. With the IOC willing to pay for it all, housing it in Lausanne, the Olympic Movement's Swiss home, made sense.
Advertisement
CAS opened in 1984 and, initially, three-person panels picked from a small pool of experts nominated by the IOC, its president and Olympic federations made decisions about commercial and disciplinary arguments.
The system worked pretty well until 1992, when the International Equestrian Federation found a German rider named Elmar Gundel guilty of doping his horse and banned him. When CAS rejected his appeal, Gundel took his fight to Switzerland's Federal Supreme Court. He did not get much joy there either, but the court did agree that the link between CAS and the IOC was too cosy.
The result was the 1994 creation of the International Council of Arbitration for Sport (ICAS), an arms-length body that would run and finance CAS for all Olympic and Paralympic sports. When the World Anti-Doping Agency was created in 1999, CAS was also formally established as the last stop for doping cases.
Its workload has increased each year.
In 2024, more than 900 cases were submitted to CAS, with about 300 progressing to full-blown hearings. It now has 45 permanent staff, plus around 400 experts serving as visiting arbitrators, who are housed in a purpose-built office in Lausanne's poshest convention centre.
The basic proposition has not changed much. Each side in a dispute chooses a member of the panel, with those two usually picking a third expert from the pool to be the panel's chair. If they can't decide, ICAS will select one.
Hearings are private, with costs kept low. Verdicts typically come within six to 12 months but expedited hearings are held for matters in need of quick answers, such as doping cases during an ongoing Olympics and over Palace's predicament. The draw for the final round of Conference League qualifying is a week today (August 4), with those two-legged ties then scheduled for August 21 and 28. Palace, Forest and Lyon need to know ASAP which competition they're in.
In terms of results, sports federations still tend to win the day, as Gundel discovered, but Manchester City famously beat UEFA at CAS in 2020, while Paul Pogba's doping ban was reduced from four years to 18 months last year, saving his career.
Palace's starting point is likely to be that Textor, whose Eagle Football Group still contains his controlling stakes at Brazilian side Botafogo, Belgian's RWDM Brussels (rebranded from Molenbeek earlier this year) and Lyon, did not have what UEFA calls 'decisive influence' at Selhurst Park, and that they have never been part of his multi-club group.
Advertisement
This, you would think, is supported by the fact he has just sold his 43 per cent stake in Palace to Woody Johnson, the billionaire owner of the NFL's New York Jets and former U.S. ambassador to the UK. Furthermore, that 43 per cent stake only gave Textor one of four voting shares at Palace, with Parish and two other American investors, David Blitzer and Josh Harris, also holding one each.
As Textor has previously explained to The Athletic, decisions at Palace very rarely, if ever, went to a vote, as Blitzer and Harris are silent partners who trust Parish to run things. So, Parish would always have 75 per cent of the votes, and he had no interest in Textor's plan to integrate the Londoners into the Eagle multi-club universe.
Blitzer, Harris, Parish and Textor all went to UEFA's headquarters in the Swiss city of Nyon last month to make this point but the Club Financial Control Body (CFCB), the arms-length unit that decides which teams can and cannot be licensed to play in the three European competitions, wasn't buying it.
Instead, it ruled that Textor's influence was decisive at Palace because he has injected more than £100million ($134m at the current rate) into the club since 2022, money that helped them finish their new-look academy facilities and sign players, and was the largest single shareholder which meant he must, at the very least, have had a say in what they could and could not do. A decisive say? Well, that is why CAS exists.
Dr Antoine Duval is the head of Asser International Sports Law Centre in the Netherlands and a seasoned watcher of CAS's decision-making. He believes it's possible the CAS panel will disagree with the CFCB assessment but says the 'quality of the evidence provided by Palace about its internal management structure and the role, or lack of it, of Textor/Eagle will be crucial'.
Textor's voting rights will be a key consideration for CAS, but so will his financial contributions and influence on recruitment and commercial strategy.
For example, he was a strong advocate of appointing Oliver Glasner, the Austrian head coach who led Palace to their FA Cup triumph, in February last year, although he recently insisted on UK radio station Talksport that the notion he 'made the hire (at Palace) happen… that's not true at all. I tried to get him at Lyon — if he spoke French, he'd be there. I told UEFA that a suggestion is not decisive influence. Nobody tells Steve (Parish) what to do, he's as stubborn as anybody.'
Palace, no doubt, will say the only player to be transferred between them and Lyon was centre-back Jake O'Brien in 2023: beyond some young players going on loan to Molenbeek (including O'Brien, earlier in his career), they had no other transactions with an Eagle Football Group club, despite Textor's frequent suggestions.
Advertisement
But Dr Gregory Ioannidis, an experienced campaigner at CAS and an associate professor at Sheffield Hallam University, is not sure this will be enough to sway the panel.
He believes Palace will try to argue that a 'more flexible and purposeful interpretation of the regulations' should be applied, with the club's lawyers asking the panel to think about what UEFA is trying to achieve with its MCO rules, fair competition, and whether the English side pose any threat to that legitimate aim.
'But if the panel decides the rules are clear, and therefore a strict and literal approach needs to be applied, the chances for a successful appeal will be minimised,' explains Ioannidis.
While each case is considered on its own merits, precedents can be helpful, and two CAS panels have recently made very quick decisions on MCO cases involving Slovakian team FC DAC 1904 and Drogheda United from the Republic of Ireland.
Both were blocked from playing in the Conference League by the CFCB and then lost their appeals, DAC unanimously and Drogheda on a majority verdict. The two cases were different but both argued they simply did not have enough time to create the separation UEFA requires between them and their MCO sister clubs.
As MCO groups have proliferated across Europe, UEFA has given owners two options: reduce your stake in one of the clubs that want to compete in the same competition to less than 30 per cent, step down as a director and halt whatever player-trading strategy you are pursuing with the two teams, or put one of into a blind trust, so you have no influence over day-to-day operations. Crucially, UEFA moved the deadline for doing one or the other of these workarounds from early June to March 1. DAC, Drogheda and Palace all missed this memo.
However, in both the DAC and Drogheda cases, the CAS panels backed UEFA.
Advertisement
'What is of immense importance here is the panels' findings that the current regulations do not require evidence of actual influence, but rather only the possibility of such influence,' says Ioannidis. 'This, in conjunction with the finding on the procedural aspect of submitting the changes in the club's ownership structure on time (or not), may cause serious difficulties for those arguing Palace's case.'
Parish has explained in recent interviews that Palace were too busy playing Championship neighbours Millwall in the last 16 of the FA Cup on March 1 to be thinking about what might happen if they were to win the whole thing and play in Europe for the first time in their history, but Duval says the deadline argument is doomed.
'It seems to me that a possible argument about the new deadline has already been rejected, thus the main focus will probably be on whether Textor had decisive influence,' he says.
And while Palace will come armed with evidence that shows Textor was routinely ignored, UEFA's lawyers will no doubt point to the letter CFCB chair Sunil Gulati sent to the club licensing managers at UEFA's 55 member associations last May which spells out what 'decisive influence' means.
A literal reading of that document — the 30 per cent shareholding threshold, significant financial support, being a director, the ability to influence recruitment decisions and so on — would suggest Palace's legal team are going to have their work cut out.
Given all that, it might make sense for Palace to make a more general argument that a strict application of the rules in this case simply make no sense, as there is obviously no threat to the integrity of the competition, which is the entire point of article 5.01 in UEFA's rulebook, the regulation that deals with MCO clubs.
And there is some encouragement here, in that the concepts of fairness, integrity and sporting justice are all enshrined in Swiss law.
But there are risks attached to this approach, too.
'Swiss law does protect such principles and both CAS and the Swiss Federal Tribunal (where any appeals over a CAS verdict are heard but rarely upheld) have ruled accordingly,' says Ioannidis.
'However, I wouldn't run this argument, because the panel may take the view that it is precisely for these principles that UEFA's decision may be upheld, as the other clubs in the competition acted promptly and ensured they followed the rules and deadlines.'
Advertisement
That said, the Drogheda case shows that one of the panel disagreed with his colleagues. The written judgment has not been published, so we do not know why they disagreed but it is possible the Irish club's plea for a more common-sense-based assessment of the rules was persuasive.
Palace may think that if they can do the same, they are halfway there.
'Not everything is negative for Palace,' says Ioannidis. 'I would argue that the intention of the regulator is to ensure fair competition. As such, the fact that Palace may have realised their mistake and acted in compliance with the rules, albeit late, shows a genuine and honest approach to the legitimate aim pursued by UEFA.
'In this instance, it would be fair, just and reasonable for UEFA to allow Palace to be admitted to the Europa League.'
Another possible line of attack for Palace is the apparent inconsistencies in the application of UEFA's rules — and this is where the decision to make Forest a party in this appeal is intriguing.
The argument, presumably, would be that Evangelos Marinakis, owner of both Forest and Greece's Olympiacos, did not place the former in a blind trust until the end of April, a move he reversed when they eventually failed to join their cousins from Athens in next season's Champions League. It is a moot point now but Marinakis seemed to miss the UEFA deadline, too, and, if literal readings are important, you either meet it or you don't.
If Palace wanted to be really mischievous, they could ask what Marinakis was doing on the pitch at the end of Forest's home draw against Leicester City on May 11. While he may well have been checking on the health of an injured Forest player, the episode suggested the Greek billionaire still exerted some influence at the City Ground despite that blind-trust move.
And, just to add some further spice to the pot, Parish has suggested that Forest played a part in Palace's demotion to the Conference League.
But an argument that effectively depends on the panel accepting that it is OK for a club to be confused about the regulations is unlikely to pan out.
'The rules and deadlines have always been there, and Palace had to act promptly, irrespective of what other clubs did,' says Ioannidis. 'The panel might say that a professional club, with an army of expert lawyers, ought to be more diligent and proactive. If confused, they could have asked UEFA for clarification.'
And with that sensible advice, we should probably wrap this up and wait for CAS to make sense of it all. Hopefully.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Man Utd open Donnarumma talks - Thursday's gossip
Man Utd open Donnarumma talks - Thursday's gossip

Yahoo

time26 minutes ago

  • Yahoo

Man Utd open Donnarumma talks - Thursday's gossip

Manchester United open talks for Gianluigi Donnarumma, Newcastle add Rodrigo Muniz to striker targets and Crystal Palace outline Eberechi Eze transfer plan to Arsenal, plus more. Manchester United have opened talks with Paris St-Germain for Italy goalkeeper Gianluigi Donnarumma, 26, after an earlier enquiry in the summer, but Chelsea and Manchester City remain interested. (Telegraph - subscription required) With Sweden striker Alexander Isak, 25, having agreed a contract with Liverpool, Newcastle have added Fulham's Brazilian forward Rodrigo Muniz, 24, to their list of targets. (Mail - subscription required) Crystal Palace have informed Arsenal they would have to pay at least £35m in advance to sign Eberechi Eze, with the rest of the 27-year-old England attacking midfielder's £67.5m fee due in instalments. (Guardian) Palace are ready to offer £27.6m to sign Germany centre-back Yann Bisseck, 24, from Inter Milan as a potential replacement for England defender Marc Guehi, who has been linked with Liverpool. (Gazzetta dello Sport - in Italian) Chelsea are still pushing to sign Alejandro Garnacho but Manchester United are pushing for a deal of at least £40m for the 21-year-old Argentina winger. (Talksport) Sunderland have reached an agreement with NEC Nijmegen to sign Dutch goalkeeper Robin Roefs, with the 22-year-old expected to sign a five-year contract with the Premier League newcomers. (Athletic - subscription required) Lyon have agreed personal terms with Liverpool's English midfielder Tyler Morton, 22, but the Premier League champions' asking price of about £8m could cause a roadblock in the deal. (L'Equipe - in French) AS Roma are considering a move for Wolves and Portugal forward Fabio Silva, 23, while also interested in Manchester City's 19-year-old Argentine winger Claudio Echeverri. (Sky Sports) Manchester City's English centre-back Max Alleyne could also leave on a season-long loan this summer, with Watford opening talks for the 20-year-old. (Sky Sports) England Under-19 midfielder Leo Castledine, 19, is set to join Huddersfield Town on a season-long loan from Chelsea. (Athletic - subscription required) English defender Rob Holding, 29, is set to leave Crystal Palace on a free transfer to join Major League Soccer side Colorado Rapids, who held off competition from Championship sides Sheffield United and Wrexham. (Sky Sports) Middlesbrough have accepted a £20m offer from Ipswich for England Under-21 midfielder Hayden Hackney, 23. (Northern Echo) Man Utd might move for Pope - Wednesday's gossip All your football quizzes in one place Listen to the latest Football Daily podcast Follow your club with BBC Sport

Canada Plans to Recognize Palestinian State, Joining France, UK
Canada Plans to Recognize Palestinian State, Joining France, UK

Bloomberg

time27 minutes ago

  • Bloomberg

Canada Plans to Recognize Palestinian State, Joining France, UK

Prime Minister Mark Carney said Canada plans to recognize a Palestinian state at the United Nations summit in September, following France while setting up a clash with the US and Israel. Carney said Canada's long-favored approach of a two-state solution through a negotiated settlement between Israel and the Palestinian Authority was 'no longer tenable.' He said that process had been 'gravely eroded' by Hamas terrorism and its rejection of Israel's right to exist, as well as recent Israeli actions such as accelerated settlement building and a Knesset vote calling for the annexation of the West Bank.

NATO's Arming For World War III Aimed At Preventing Clash With Russia
NATO's Arming For World War III Aimed At Preventing Clash With Russia

Forbes

time28 minutes ago

  • Forbes

NATO's Arming For World War III Aimed At Preventing Clash With Russia

While threatening to launch nuclear missiles against any Ally helping democratic Ukraine repel its Russian invaders, Kremlin commander-in-chief Vladimir Putin has also warned a direct, armed clash of civilizations with the West could spiral into World War III. Yet NATO's Secretary General is now pushing the Allies to swiftly build up their jet fighters, missiles and weaponized drones precisely to avert an all-out war with Russia, which is rearming at a feverish pitch. Across a series of interviews, scholars on Russia's race to expand its wartime armaments say Putin aims to trigger fear and inaction on the part of Ukraine's allies, even as he develops new weapons systems to face off with them. NATO's new call to arms, they say, stands a chance of freezing portions of Putin's masterplan for his tanks and troops to recreate the Russian Soviet Union by reconquering states that have broken free of Moscow's control. NATO chief Mark Rutte, while sketching out the escalating dangers posed by Putin and his expansionist quest, told military experts who gathered in London: 'Because of Russia, war has returned to Europe.' Sounding a worldwide alarm—aimed at defense planners across all 32 NATO nations—Rutte said Russia is teaming up with rogue powers stretching from North Korea to Iran as they strengthen their militaries. 'Putin's war machine is speeding up, not slowing down,' Rutte declared during a talk at the Royal Institute of International Affairs. 'Russia is reconstituting its forces,' the onetime prime minister of the Netherlands said, 'and producing more weapons faster than we thought.' 'In terms of ammunition, Russia produces in three months what the whole of NATO produces in a year.' Moscow's burgeoning defense factories are set to turn out 200 nuclear-capable Iskander missiles and 1500 tanks this year, and production rates are rising. 'Russia could be ready to use military force against NATO within five years: FIVE YEARS!' Rutte warned. Quoting Winston Churchill, from a dramatic speech exhorting the British House of Commons to launch a long-delayed weapons build-up to catch up with the Nazis' rising military power, Rutte said there was no time to lose for Europe to bolster its defenses. 'We need a 400% increase in air and missile defense.' 'We see in Ukraine how Russia delivers terror from above, so we will strengthen the shield that protects our skies.' NATO's allies, he said, need many more missile interceptors, more tanks, more rockets, and more expansive navies, even as they modernize their air forces. As just one step in this direction, he said NATO Allies are set to acquire 700 American F-35 fighter jets. NATO partners, he added, will begin building stockpiles of new-generation drones and missile systems, and step up investment in space technology and cyber-warfare expertise. 'On the battlefields of Ukraine,' Rutte boasted, '$400 drones, used the right way, are taking out $2 million Russian tanks.' 'History has taught us that to preserve peace, we must prepare for war,' he said. Secretary General Rutte suggested that by pumping five percent of each Ally's gross domestic product into this accelerating arms contest with Russia, the entire North Atlantic Treaty Organization might become so formidable that Moscow would never dare to attack even a single NATO nation, and that the group's collective defense shield would protect its billion citizens into the future. Yet leading scholars on Russia's defense strategies and new weapons programs say it is virtually impossible to pinpoint exactly how the West's next clash with the Kremlin will start or evolve, or how it could escalate to engulf widening sections of Europe. Some European military experts, along with Putin himself, have projected that Moscow's ongoing missile blitzkrieg of Ukraine could burst into a global conflict. But Spenser Warren, a scholar who is focused on Russia's drive to strengthen its nuclear arsenal and delivery systems, and on its defense strategies, says: 'I don't think you can predict whether or not this or any war will spiral into World War Three.' 'Most conflicts, even ones that start out seemingly small, have pathways for escalation,' he tells me in an interview. 'WW1 started from a single instance of extremist political violence that was fairly mundane at the time, and engulfed an entire continent plus large parts of Africa, the Middle East, and the Pacific.' A spectrum of scenarios could spark Russia's invasion of Ukraine to explode beyond the besieged democracy's borders, says Warren, a postdoctoral fellow at the University of California Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation. 'If Russia broadened its attacks to include Western arms depots in places like Poland that are supplying Ukraine, or if a Russian airstrike killed a visiting U.S./European leader (whether intentionally or not), or if Russian pilots accidentally fired on NATO aircraft or a glitch in their navigation software caused them to mistakenly bomb NATO territory,' he says, the war could swiftly 'escalate into a regional conflict involving the United States and other NATO members.' If a limited clash were to erupt between the Kremlin and NATO nations, Warren says, 'it would be difficult to predict further escalation.' 'Could such a conflict continue to spiral towards a global war?' 'Yes, that is always an incredibly dangerous risk,' he forecasts. Warren says he backs NATO chief Rutte's warnings that the Kremlin could attack a NATO state by the end of the decade. 'There's of course no guarantee that Russia will be able to rebuild its military effectively in that time period.' But as of now, Warren says, 'They are churning out an incredibly high amount of material.' 'It's possible that they can maintain that rate long enough to rebuild or even expand their capabilities.' 'The threat is serious enough that I would agree with the Secretary General that European countries need to be improving their arms industries and increasing defense spending and production.' Europe's failure to match the rapid-fire rise of military rival Moscow—just as France and Britain were overtaken by the meteoric ascent of Hitler and his tanks and Luftwaffe—would make a Russian invasion of one or more EU states more likely. Putin, surrounded by expanding circles of nationalist zealots, has been laying out plans to despatch invading armies to recapture lands that were once part of the Russian Tsarist empires, or the Soviet Union that followed. The most likely scenario, Warren says, would likely start with a lightning attack against "former Russian territories'. 'Russian nationalists produce a lot of rhetoric about reconquering lands that the Russian Empire once held for expansionary purposes,' he says. The Kremlin might opt to attack 'a NATO ally (probably one or more of the Baltics) in blitzkrieg fashion,' he says, 'and seek to end the conflict before the U.S. and NATO can mount a large response.' 'One of the biggest factors, I think, will be Moscow's perception of American commitment to the region.' 'If the Kremlin believes the United States will move to defend its allies—and potentially commit enough forces to rollback Russian troops in someplace like the Baltic States or Poland or Romania—then the chance of Russia attacking goes way down.' 'If they believe the United States won't respond—or think they can create a fait accompli in the Baltics—that risk goes up,' he says. Elena Grossfeld, an expert on Russia's defense and intelligence operations at the prestigious King's College London, says the small, vulnerable Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, taken over by the Soviet Union in just days at the start of the World War II, are likely prime targets in Putin's quest to resurrect imperial Russia. A fluent Russian speaker who closely tracks the Kremlin's evolving wartime strategies and even the Telegram posts by its most fervent militarists, tells me in an interview: 'The Baltics are being thrown around as a target by Russian propagandists, and also by some of Putin's friends.' 'Realistically due to their size, they could be run over pretty fast.' 'If Russia were to think that the U.S. would not interfere beyond issuing statements and offering thoughts and prayers - it's a possibility.' Grossfeld says it is still unclear how strong a defense the U.S. would mount if one of the NATO states, like Lithuania, were captured in an overnight invasion. Article 5 of the NATO treaty states: 'The Parties agree that an armed attack against one or more of them in Europe or North America shall be considered an attack against them all.' While every NATO member agrees to join a collective defense, she says, each ally determines its own contribution to that defense, 'which can include military force but does not have to.' With its mixed messages on participating in the joint defense of an invaded NATO partner, the U.S. might be opening the way for a series of Russian attacks on the alliance—always testing whether the U.S. will intervene or become increasingly isolationist. If the White House does pull back, France and Britain, which have already proposed sending peacekeepers into Ukraine after a ceasefire pact is signed, are likely to emerge as the new de facto leaders of NATO in Europe, even as the United States sees its own position on the global stage decline. As part of its ascent as a supreme guardian of the NATO alliance, France could extend its nuclear umbrella to cover all the other NATO partners across Europe. France has its own independent arsenal of nuclear weapons, with both submarine and jet bomber delivery systems. French President Emmanuel Macron, Grossfeld points out, has 'already expressed willingness to engage in discussions about extending France's nuclear deterrent to other European countries. 'France currently has a nuclear weapons stockpile of approximately 290 warheads,' say leading experts at the Federation of American Scientists' Nuclear Information Project. 'In addition, approximately 80 retired warheads are awaiting dismantlement, giving a total inventory of approximately 370 nuclear warheads.' In a fascinating overview of the French nuclear arsenal and its changing purpose on the world stage, these experts cite French defense ministry commanders as stating the country's nuclear doctrine is 'strictly defensive,' and that using nuclear weapons 'would only be conceivable in extreme circumstances of legitimate self-defense,' involving France's vital interests. With expanding signs of a U.S. withdrawal from the European stage, these experts report, France's use of its nuclear shield is evolving and expanding to cover at least some of its allies. When President Macron sent leading-edge, nuclear-capable Rafale jets on a joint mission to Sweden in April, they say, the French ambassador told his hosts that France's "nuclear umbrella also applies to our allies and of course Sweden is among them.''

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store